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STUDIES    IN    THE    HISTORY 

OF  ENGLISH  COMMERCE 

IN  THE  TUDOR  PERIOD 


I.  The  Organization  and  Early  History  of  the  Muscovy 
Company 

By  ARMAND  J.  GERSON,  Ph.D. 

II,  English  Trading  Expeditions  into  Asia  under  the  Author- 
ity of  the  Muscovy  Company  (1557-1581) 
By  EARNEST  V.  VAUGHN,  Ph.D. 

III.  English  Trade  in  the  Baltic  During  the  Reign  of  Elizabeth 
By  NEVA  RUTH  DEARDORFF,  Ph.D. 


UNIVERSITY  OF   PENNSYLVANIA 

D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY,  NEW  YORK 

191S 


Copyright,   1912 
Bv  THE  University  of  Pennsylvania 


J.   F.   TAPLEY  CO. 

NKW    YORK 


GRATEFULLY   DEDICATED 
TO 

EDWARD  POTTS  CHEYNEY 

BY    THE    AUTHORS 


35:55,1 
5^3 


GENERAL  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction ix 

I.     The    Organization    and    Early    History    of    the 

Muscovy   Company 1 

II.     Expeditions  to  the  South  and  East  under  the 

Muscovy   Company 127 

III.     English  Trade  to  the  Baltic  During  the  Reign 

of  Elizabeth 219 


\ 


42029S 


INTRODUCTION 

Nowhere  did  the  vigor  of  the  English  people  during  the 
Tudor  period  show  itself  more  clearly  than  in  the  field 
of  commerce.  This  was  especially  true  in  the  second  half 
of  the  sixteenth  centurj^  Enterprising  merchants,  bold 
navigators  and  speculating  nobles  and  courtiers  united  to 
carry  expeditions  far  into  previously  unexplored  parts  of 
the  earth,  and  to  open  up  lines  of  trade  with  regions,  well 
known  it  is  true,  but  in  which  Englishmen  had  seldom 
been  seen  as  visitors  and  never  before  as  traders.  In  ac- 
cordance with  the  almost  universal  practice  of  the  time 
each  of  these  projects  led  to  the  organization  of  a  com- 
mercial company  and  the  grant  to  it  by  the  government 
of  extensive  chartered  rights. 

The  group  of  studies  contained  in  this  volume  describe 
this  newly  organized  trade,  so  far  as  it  was  directed  toward 
the  north  and  northeast.  The  disappearance  of  most  of 
the  records  of  the  early  commercial  companies,  due  in  all 
probability  largely  to  the  great  fire  of  London  in  1666, 
leaves  the  story  to  be  pieced  together  from  scattered  ma- 
terials. Such  sources  as  have  been  printed  have  been 
carefully  and  critically  used  in  the  preparation  of  these 
papers.  This  printed  material  has  been  supplemented  by 
reference  to  such  manuscript  records  as  still  exist  in  Eng- 
land. ]\Tanuscript  records  existing  in  the  continental 
countries  and  still  unprinted  remain  as  a  possible  source 
of  information  not  yet  utilized. 

The  earliest  of  the  new  trading  bodies  was  the  Muscovy 
or  Ru&sia  Company.  Its  only  predecessors  were  the 
Staplers,  the  Merchants  Adventurers,  and  the  Spanish 
Company.  It  presented  many  of  the  typical  character- 
istics of  the  period.     It  was  established  as  the  result  of 


X  INTRODUCTION 

a  bold  effort  to  reach  the  much  sought  trading  lands  of 
the  far  East,  and  it  constantly  recurred  to  this  search 
throughout  its  early  history.  It  brought  England  into 
contact  with  a  new  body  of  people,  customs,  interests  and 
problems  which  appealed  strongly  to  the  imagination  of 
the  curiosity-loving  Elizabethan  Englishman.  The  com- 
pany was  given  by  its  charter  a  complete  commercial 
monopoly,  and  political  rights  which  were  copied  but 
hardly  extended  in  the  case  of  any  later  chartered  body. 
Its  existence  gave  occasion  for  most  of  the  diplomatic  rela- 
tions between  England  and  Russia  for  more  than  half  a 
century,  and  the  costs  of  this  intercourse  were  paid  for 
out  of  its  treasury.  The  difficulties  of  the  ]\Iuscovy  Com- 
pany, which  constitute  the  main  part  of  its  annals  that 
have  come  down  to  us,  were  the  natural  difficulties  of  a 
company  striving  to  retain  a  privileged  position  both  in 
the  country  of  which  its  members  were  citizens,  and  in  the 
country  in  which  its  trading  interests  lay.  Its  officers  were 
men  whose  names  are  well  kno\^Ti  not  only  in  London  civic 
history  but  in  many  other  activities  of  a  commercial  nature. 
The  efforts  of  the  Muscovy'  Company  to  open  up  a  trade 
with  the  far  East  by  this  distant  route  were  so  early  in 
time,  so  persistent,  so  bold  in  conception,  and  came  so 
near  to  attaining  success  that  they  seem  to  justify  a  spe- 
cial description.  This  is  the  subject  of  the  second  of  the 
essays  in  this  volume.  The  successive  voyages  down  the 
Volga,  across  the  Caspian,  and  into  Persia  and  the  lands 
where  Tartars  and  Turks  were  still  in  conflict,  brought 
Englishmen  into  contact  with  still  another  group  of  races, 
whose  boundaries  they  were  to  approach  later  from  an- 
other direction.  Notwithstanding  its  length,  this  route 
avoided  for  Englishmen  certain  difficulties  presented  by 
every  other  mode  of  approach  to  the  far  East,  and  for  a 
while  it  seemed  that  it  might  be  successfully  established. 
Indeed  it  has  been  tried  at  more  than  one  later  period. 


INTRODUCTION  xi 

But  at  this  time  as  well  as  later  it  proved  a  failure.  The 
efforts  during  the  sixteenth  century  have  left  only  too 
little  detailed  record,  but  the  main  outline  of  events  and 
the  causes  of  their  failure  come  out  with  sufficient  clear- 
ness in  the  narrative. 

English  trade  to  the  Baltic  during  this  period,  culminat- 
ing in  the  organization  of  the  Eastland  or  Baltic  Com- 
pany and  its  establishment  of  a  principal  settlement  in 
one  of  the  Baltic  cities,  the  subject  of  the  third  essay,  in- 
volves a  different  set  of  surrounding  circumstances,  but 
one  no  less  typical  of  the  period.  The  sphere  of  activity 
was  closer  to  England,  but  the  struggle  wiih.  competitors 
already  on  the  ground  and  the  complications  of  European 
politics  were  all  the  more  intense.  The  documents  con- 
nected with  this  subject  are  also  somewhat  more  unfa- 
miliar, and  a  larger  part  of  this  study  has  been  made 
from  manuscript  materials  previously  unused.  The  earli- 
est years  only  of  the  company  are  described  in  detail  and 
its  later  history  remains  to  be  written.  The  whole  group 
of  questions  connected  with  English  trade  with  the  shores 
of  the  Baltic,  and  English  relations  with  the  states  bor- 
dering upon  them  is  a  complicated  one  and  involves  many 
political  as  well  as  economic  factors. 

The  lines  of  trade  described  in  this  volume  represent 
only  one  part  of  the  field  of  Elizabethan  commercial  en- 
terprise. But  if  the  history  of  these  companies  and  their 
congeners  in  other  regions  were  adequately  described  and 
fully  understood,  we  would  have  gone  far  toward  a  com- 
prehension of  most  of  the  foreign  relations  and  much  of 
the  internal  life  of  England  at  that  period. 

Edward  P.  Cheyney. 
University  of  Pennsylvania, 
February,  1912. 


The  Organization  and  Early  History 
of  the  Muscovy  Company 


Thesis  presented  to  the  Faculty  of  the  Graduate  School  of  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania  in  partial  fulfilment  of  the  requirements 
for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  1910. 


By  ARMAND  J.  GERSON,  Ph.D. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTEE  PAGE 

I.     The  Establishment  of  Russian  Relations 1 

II.     The  Organization  of  the  Muscovy  Company 22 

III.  The  English  Government  and  the  Company 46 

IV.  The  Russian  Government  and  the  Company 73 

V.     Trade  and  Exploration 93 

Appendix 116 

List   of    Sources 121 


THE   ORGANIZATION   AND   EARLY  HISTORY   OF 
THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  RUSSLVN  RELATIONS 

The  idea  of  a  northern  route  to  the  Indies  made  a  pe- 
culiar appeal  to  the  adventurous  and  commercial  instincts 
of  the  Englishmen  of  the  sixteenth  century.  The  reason  is 
easily  discernible  in  the  international  conunercial  rival- 
ries of  the  period.  The  vessels  of  Spain  and  Portugal  had 
rounded  the  southern  extremities  of  both  continents  in 
the  race  for  the  jewels  and  spices  of  the  Orient,  and  those 
countries  were  sharing  the  profits  of  that  rich  trade.  It 
was  natural  that  England  should  desire  her  share  in  the 
new  commercial  development.  Her  geographical  position 
and  the  preemption  of  the  southwest  and  southeast  routes 
by  her  rivals  of  southern  Europe  led  her  merchant  leaders 
to  look  toward  the  north  for  a  new  road  to  the  wealth  of 
Asia.  That  England  should  have  failed  to  open  up  a  new 
trade  route  to  India  and  Cathay  is,  of  course,  in  the  light 
of  modern  geographical  knowledge,  no  cause  for  wonder. 
That  in  the  attempt  she  accidentally  established  a  com- 
munication and  a  thriving  trade  with  Russia  renders  the 
northern  voyages  of  her  traders  and  explorers  of  large 
significance  for  the  historian  of  European  trade  and  civ- 
ilization. 

Between  the  northwestern  voyages  of  the  Cabots  at  the 
close  of  the  fifteenth  century  and  the  explorations  that  led 
to  the  discovery  of  the  northern  coast  of  Russia  in  the  mid- 
dle of  the  sixteenth  there  is  no  record  of  any  serious  attempt 
to  try  the  northern  route.  That  the  idea  was  not  entirely 
lost  to  view  in  the  interval,  however,  is  clearly  indicated 


2  THE  MUSCOVY  CO^VIPANY 

by  a  letter  written  by  one  Robert  Thorne,  a  London  mer- 
chant, in  which  he  urges  Henry  VIII  to  organize  a  voyage 
of  exploration  by  way  of  the  Arctic  regions.^  The  letter 
contains  a  verj^  clear  statement  of  the  benefits  to  be  de- 
rived. Eeference  is  made  to  the  advantages  to  mariners 
and  explorers  of  the  perpetual  daylight  of  the  Polar 
regions:  "Yea  what  a  vantage  shal  your  Graces  subjects 
have  also  by  this  light  to  discover  the  strange  lands,  coun- 
tries, and  coasts  ? "  ^  The  writer  proceeds  to  point  out 
with  rather  amusing  naivete  that  having  ''past  the  Pole, 
it  is  plaine,  they  may  decline  to  what  part  they  list, ' '  ^ 
China  and  the  East  Indies  if  they  sail  to  the  east,  America 
and  the  West  Indies  if  they  direct  their  course  to  the 
west.^ 

It  remained  for  the  navigators  of  the  next  reign,  how- 
ever, actually  to  put  to  the  test  of  experience  the  attractive 
idea  of  a  northern  route.  Toward  the  close  of  the  reign 
of  Edward  VI,  probably  in  the  year  1552,  a  number  of 
London  merchants  took  up  the  project.  A  contemporary 
writer  explains  the  motives  that  led  to  their  action.  The 
falling  off  of  English  trade  led  "certaine  grave  Citizens 
of  London,  and  men  of  great  wisedome,  and  carefull  for 
the  good  of  their  Countrey"  to  take  steps  looking  toward 
the  improvement  of  this  condition.*  "Seeing  that  the 
wealth  of  the  Spaniards  and  Portingales,  by  the  diseoverie 
and  search  of  newe  trades  and  Countreys  was  marvellously 
increased,  supposing  the  same  to  be  a  course  and  meane 
for  them  also  to  obteine  the  like,  they  therefore  resolved 
upon  a  newe  and  strange  Navigation. "  ^  In  search  of  ex- 
pert  advice,   the   merchants  sought   out   Sebastian   Cabot 


1  Hakluyt,   The  Principal  Navigations   Voyages  Traffiques,  etc.   of 
the  English  Nation,  vol.  II,  p.  159. 

2  Ihid.,  II,  162. 
sihid..  II,  163. 
4  Ibid.,  II,  239. 


RUSSIAN  RELATIONS  3 

who  was  then  residing  in  London.^  Cabot  was  at  that 
time  a  man  seventy-five  years  of  age  and  enjoyed  a  sin- 
gular prestige  as  the  result  of  the  remarkable  explora- 
tions in  which  his  life  had  been  spent,  and  still  more,  per- 
haps, as  a  result  of  his  remarkable  reports  of  them.  His 
unquestioned  services  had  received  substantial  recognition 
from  the  government  in  the  form  of  an  annual  pension  of 
250  marks.*^  He  seems  to  have  been  regarded  with  re- 
spect not  unmingled  with  awe  by  the  younger  generation 
of  merchants  and  navigators.  Old  as  he  was,  he  threw 
himself  into  the  new  plan  and  became  the  most  active 
spirit  in  its  organization.  The  result  of  the  conference 
was  a  decision  to  fit  out  three  vessels  "for  the  search  and 
discoverie  of  the  Northerne  part  of  the  world,  to  open  a 
way  and  passage  to  our  men  to  travaile  to  newe  and  un- 
knowen  kingdomes. ' '  ^ 

Almost  immediately  the  projectors  of  the  venture  seem 
to  have  recognized  the  necessity  for  a  definite  organiza- 
tion. They  accordingly  formed  a  sort  of  combination  and 
chose  Sebastian  Cabot  to  be  the  governor  of  the  "com- 
pany." AVliile  we  have  no  explicit  statement  of  these 
early  proceedings,  indirect  e^ddence  is  furnished  by  the 
document  containing  the  instructions  to  the  officers  of  the 
fleet  at  the  time  of  their  departure.  That  document 
is  headed  "Ordinances,  instructions,  .  .  .  compiled, 
made,  and  delivered  by  the  worshipful!  ]\I.  Sebastian 
Cabota  Esquier,  governour  of  the  mysterie  and  companie 
.of  the  I\Iarchants  adventurers  for  the  discoverie  of  Re- 
gions, Dominions,  Islands  and  places  unknowen  .  .  . "  ^ 
At  the  close  of  the  instructions  we  find,  "  In  Mdt- 
nes  whereof  I  Sebastian  Cabota,  Governour  afore- 
said    .     .     .,"®   clearly  indicating  his  official  position. 

5  Hakluyt,  II,  240. 

sRymer,  Foedera,  Westin,  0.  XV,   181.  H  VI.  p.  III.   170. 

7  Hakluyt,  II,  240. 

»Ibid.,  195.  olhid.,  II,  205. 


4  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

In  regard  to  the  rest  of  this  early  plan  of  organization 
we  have  the  further  contemporary  statement  that  the  mer- 
chants made  choice  "of  certain  grave  and  wise  persons 
in  maner  of  a  Senate  or  companie,  which  should  lay  their 
heads  together,  and  give  their  judgments  and  provide 
things  requisite  and  profitable  for  all  occasions. "  ^'^  This 
is  the  body  to  which  Cabot  makes  reference  in  his  in- 
structions where  he  speaks  of  them  as  the  "Consuls  and 
Assistants  in  London.""  The  detailed  form  of  organi- 
zation indicated  by  this  nomenclature  is  of  interest  as 
anticipating  the  plan  prescribed  by  the  Company's  char- 
ter a  few  years  later. ^^  It  would  seem  that  the  Company 
from  the  very  first  looked  forward  to  a  permanent  cor- 
porate existence. 

The  funds  for  the  venture  were  raised  by  a  contribu- 
tion of  25  pounds  from  each  member  of  the  Company.^^ 
The  fact  that  6000  pounds  was  thus  collected  is  very 
definite  evidence  as  to  the  number  belonging  to  the  fel- 
lowship at  the  time  of  its  first  organization.  There  were 
evidently  240  members.  This  mode  of  raising  the  neces- 
sary money  by  equal  subscriptions  from  the  whole  mem- 
bership is  of  significance  as  indicating  a  sort  of  joint 
stock  idea  in  the  Company's  very  inception. 

Three  ships  were  secured  and  put  in  condition.  They 
were  furnished  with  arms  and  ammunition  and  thor- 
oughly prepared  to  resist  any  enemy  they  might  meet  at 
sea.^*  Provisions  were  purchased  and  the  ships  victualed 
for  eighteen  months  in  view  of  the  possibility  that  the 
outward  trip  and  the  homeward  trip  might  each  take  six 
months  and  that  another  six  months  should  be  allowed  for 
wintering   in   the   unknown   lands   they   hoped   to    reach. 

10  Hakluyt,  II,  240. 

11  Ibid.,  il,  201. 

12  Infra,  p.  25  S. 

13  Hakluyt,  II,  240. 

14  Ibid.,  II,   241. 


RUSSIAN  RELATIONS  5 

Sir  Hugh  Willoughby  under  the  title  of  Captain  General 
was  given  charge  of  the  little  fleet  and  appointed  "Ad- 
mirall  with  authoritie  and  commaund  over  all  the  rest."^' 
He  is  described  by  our  contemporary  narrator  as  of 
"goodly  personage"  and  as  having  "singular  skill  in  the 
services  of  warre. "  Richard  Chancellor  was  appointed  to 
be  second  in  command  with  the  title  of  Pilot  Major.^^ 
Willoughby's  vessel,  the  Bona  Speranza,  a  ship  of  120 
tons,  is  spoken  of  as  the  "Admiral  of  the  fleete"  in  conse- 
quence of  carrying  the  Captain  General.^^  The  largest 
of  the  three  ships,  however,  was  the  Edward  Botiaventure 
of  160  tons,  in  which  Richard  Chancellor  sailed.^^  The 
third  and  smallest  of  the  fleet  was  the  Confidentia  of  90 
tons.^^  Each  ship  was  accompanied  by  a  pinnace  and  a 
small  boat,  and  each  carried,  besides  its  quota  of  mariners, 
pursers,  carpenters,  cooks,  etc.,  a  number  of  merchants.^** 
Every  officer,  merchant,  and  servant  was  put  under  oath 
to  serve  the  Company  faithfully.-^ 

Contemporary  writers  are  silent  on  the  question  of  the 
raising  of  men  to  man  the  vessels  for  the  hazardous  voy- 
age to  unknown  lands.  There  is  clear  evidence,  however, 
to  show  that  the  practice  of  impressing  sailors  was  re- 
sorted to,  A  warrant  among  the  Admiralty  Papers  signed 
by  Lord  Admiral  Clinton  and  bearing  the  date  of  1553- 
authorizes  Sir  Hugh  "Willoughby  to  press  mariners  for  his 
ship  about  to  sail  for  the  north.^^ 

Cabot,  as  we  have  already  mentioned,  drew  up  a  list 
of  instructions  for  the  direction  of  the  intended  voyage. 

isHakluyt,  II,  241. 
i6  76if/.,  II,  242. 
^T  Hid.,  II,  212. 
is/btf/.,  II,  213. 
■^^Ibid.,  II,  214. 
20  Hid.,  II,  212-214'. 
2i7btU,  II,  215. 

22  Cited  by  Marsden  in  Trans.  R.  E.  8.,  new  series,  Vol.  XVI,  p.  80, 
Cf.   Gilbert's  request  for  a  similar  privilege,  infra,  p.   112. 


6  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

This  interesting  document  contains  thirty-three  articles 
and  provides  among  other  things  that  the  rules  shall  be 
read  aloud  on  the  voyage  "once  every  week  ...  to 
the  intent  that  every  man  may  the  better  remember  his 
othe,  conscience,  duetie  and  charge. ' '  ~^  The  instructions 
are  very  comprehensive  and  at  the  same  time  practical. 
The  importance  of  amity  and  obedience  is  strongly  em- 
phasized and  the  men  reminded  of  their  oath  to  obey  the 
Captain  General  and  the  captains  and  masters  of  their 
ships.  A  council  of  twelve,  consisting  of  Willoughby, 
Chancellor,  the  masters  of  the  three  vessels,  their  mates, 
two  merchants,  "James  Dalabere  Gentleman"  and  "Mas- 
ter Richard  Stafford  Minister, "  -*  is  given  authority  to 
make  rules  for  "the  better  conduction,  and  preservation 
of  the  fleete,  and  achieving  of  the  voyage."-^  A  careful 
record  of  all  incidents  and  observations  is  to  be  kept  "to 
remain  of  record  for  the  Company."^"  No  sale  of  goods 
is  to  be  made  by  individual  merchants  mthout  the  con- 
sent of  those  in  charge  of  the  voyage,-^  and  all  wares  pur- 
chased are  to  be  "wel  ordred,  packed,  and  conserved  in 
one  masse  entirely"  and  an  inventory  presented  to  the 
Company  so  that  the  entire  membership  may  receive  the 
profits  of  the  venture.-^  Besides  these  important  provi- 
sions there  are  a  number  of  detailed  rulings  such  as  the 
requirement  of  morning  and  evening  religious  services,-^ 
the  prohibition  of  blasphemy,^"  etc.  A  quaint  combina- 
tion of  piety  and  business  sense  is  e\ddent  in  the  instruc- 
tion "not  to  disclose  to  any  nation  the  state  of  our  reli- 

23Hakluyt,  II,  196. 
24  Ibid.,  II,  206. 
25/feif/.,  II,  196. 
26lUd.,  II,  197. 
27  Ihid.,  II,  200. 
2smd.,  II,  201. 
2slbid.,  II,  199. 
30  Ibid.,  II,  198. 


RUSSIAN  RELATIONS  7 

gion,  but  to  passe  it  over  in  silence,  without  any  declara- 
tion of  it,  seeming  to  beare  with  such  laws,  and  rites,  as 
the  place  hath,  where  you  shall  arrive.  "^^  The  msdom 
of  the  experienced  explorer  is  revealed  in  the  advice,  "If 
you  shall  be  invited  into  any  Lords  or  Rulers  house,  to 
dinner,  or  other  parlance,  goe  in  such  order  of  strength, 
that  you  may  be  stronger  than  they,  and  be  warie  of  woods 
and  ambushes,  and  that  your  weapons  be  not  out  of  your 
possessions, "  ^^  as  well  as  in  the  suggestion,  ' '  If  j'ou  shall 
see  them  weare  Lyons  or  Beares  skinnes,  having  long 
bowes,  and  arrowes,  be  not  afraid  of  that  sight:  for  such 
be  worne  oftentimes  more  to  feare  strangers,  then  for  any 
other  cause."  ^^ 

It  is  evident  that  the  voyage  was  in  many  respects  a 
national  venture.  We  have  already  seen  that  the  Lord 
Admiral  had  authorized  the  impressing  of  men.  Cabot, 
in  the  document  just  cited,  says,  "you-  be  not  ignorant, 
how  many  persons,  as  well  the  kings  majestic,  the  Lords 
of  his  honorable  Counsel,  this  whole  companie,  .  .  . 
be  replenished  in  their  hearts  with  ardent  desire  to  leame 
and  know  your  estates,  conditions,  and  welfares,  and  in 
what  likelihood  you  be  in,  to  obtain  this  notable  enter- 
prise. ' '  ^^  The  most  conclusive  evidence  of  the  interest 
of  the  Government  in  the  new  exploration  is  to  be  found, 
however,  in  a  letter  written  by  Edward  VI  and  sent  with 
the  fleet.  It  is  directed  "To  all  Kings,  Princes,  Rulers, 
Judges,  and  Governours  of  the  earth  and  all  other  having 
any  excellent  dignitie  on  the  same,  in  all  places  under  the 
universail  heaven."^*  The  letter  makes  a  general  offer 
of  friendship  to  all  princes  and  suggests  the  establishing 
of  trade  relations.  It  dwells  upon  the  benefits  of  uni- 
versal peace  and  the  efficacy  of  commercial  relations  as  a 

31  Hakluyt,  II,  202. 

32  Ibid.,  II,     203. 
S3  Ibid.,  II,  204. 
34 /bid.,  II,  209. 


8  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

means  to  that  end.  The  letter  solicits  permission  for  Wil- 
loughby  and  his  companions  to  pass  freely  through  the 
countries  they  may  reach  in  their  voyage,  and  promises 
reciprocal  favors  to  the  inhabitants  of  those  lands  "if  at 
any  time  they  shall  come  to  our  kingdomes. "  This  was 
the  document  which  was  to  inaugurate  new  and  important 
international  relations.  We  are  told  that  copies  were  also 
written  in  Greek  "and  divers  other  languages. "  ^^ 

The  three  vessels,  provisioned,  as  we  have  said,  for 
eighteen  months,  well  manned  and  armed,  loaded  with 
merchandise,  carrying  the  instructions  of  the  Governor  of 
the  Company,  and  the  letter  of  the  king,  left  London 
May  10,  ISSS,^**  and  proceeded  down  the  Thames.  For  our 
knowledge  of  the  events  of  this  voyage  we  are  chiefly  in- 
debted to  the  account  of  Clement  Adams,  "  schoolemaster 
to  the  Queene's  henshmen, "  who  received  his  information 
at  first  hand  from  Chancellor  after  the  return  of  the  lat- 
ter in  1554.^^  The  less  literary  but  more  detailed  record 
kept  by  Sir  Hugh  "Willoughby  up  to  the  time  of  his  death 
has  also  come  down  to  us  ^*  and  furnishes  us  with  definite 
statements  of  detail  extremely  useful  as  a  verification  of 
Adams'  narrative;  it  is  particularly  valuable  for  its  rec- 
ord of  the  fate  of  the  Speravza  after  its  separation  from 
the  Edward  Bonaventure.  From  this  contemporary  evi- 
dence it  is  not  difficult  to  work  out  a  consecutive  account 
of  the  outward  voyage. 

On  May  11,  the  little  fleet  passed  Greenwich,  where  the 

85Hakluyt,  II,  211. 

86  This  is  the  date  recorded  in  Willoughby's  Journal,  Ihid.,  II,  217. 
The  account  written  by  Clement  Adams,  however,  gives  the  date 
as  May  20,  Ihid.,  II,  244.  Willoughby's  evidence  from  its  very  na- 
ture is  more  to  be  relied  upon  for  a  matter  of  this  sort  than  that 
of  Adams. 

37  Ihid.,  II,  239.  The  date  of  composition  is  fixed  by  the  writer's 
evident  ignorance  of  the  fate  of  Willoughby,  word  of  which  reached 
London  in  the  fall  of  1555   (infra,  p.  12),  Ibid.,  II,  247. 

38  Ibid.,  II,  212  ff. 


RUSSIAN  RELATIONS  9 

court  then  resided  and  where  King  Edward  lay  in  his  last 
illness.^"  In  his  honor  the  sliips  discharged  their  guns 
"insomuch  that  the  tops  of  the  hilles  sounded  therewith" 
w^hile  the  mariners  shouted  "till  the  skie  rang  again  with 
the  noyse  thereof."  Crowds  collected  on  the  river  bank 
and  courtiers  waved  farewell  from  the  windows  and  tow- 
ers of  the  palace.*"  England  was  wishing  God-speed  to 
her  voyagers  to  "lands  unknowen. "  The  fleet  continued 
down  the  Thames  slowly,  being  obliged  to  wait  on  favor- 
able winds  and  tide. 

On  May  20  the  ships  were  still  in  the  Thames,  having 
proceeded  as  far  as  Gravesend.*^  At  last  they  sailed  out 
to  the  open  sea  and  turned  their  course  to  the  north,  still, 
however,  keeping  close  to  the  English  coast.  On  the  30th 
of  May  they  "came  against  Yermouth  about  three  leagues 
into  the  sea."*^ 

During  the  first  three  weeks  of  June  little  or  no  head- 
way was  made  owing  to  contrary  winds.  On  the  23rd 
they  put  out  from  the  coast  and  sailed  into  the  North 
Sea.*^  On  the  27th  an  attempt  was  made  to  sail  to  the 
northwest  "to  the  ende  to  fall  with  Shotland."*^  West 
winds  prevented,  however,  and  the  three  vessels  contin- 
ued their  course  to  the  northeast.  Bad  weather  again  de- 
layed their  progress.  Until  July  14  the  ships  struggled 
on  "traversing  and  tracing  the  seas,  by  reason  of  sundiy 
and  manif olde  contrary  windes. ' '  *^  Then  land  was 
sighted  to  the  east,  Rost  Island,  off  the  coast  of  Norway. 
Here  the  voyagers  landed  on  July  19  and  remained  for 
three  days.*^ 

On  July  22  they  departed  from  Rost  sailing  northeast 

along  the  Norwegian  coast  and  continuing  in  this  direc- 

39  Halcluyt,  II,  245. 
4:0lhid.,  II,      244. 
i^Ibid.,   II,  217. 
^2  Ibid.,  II,  218. 
i^IUd.,  II,  219. 


10  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

tion  until  the  27th  when  landing  was  made  on  another 
island  which  Willoughby  calls  "Lewfoot."  ^  On  the  30th 
they  set  sail  once  more  still  keeping  land  in  sight  to  the 
east.*^  A  boat  from  one  of  the  islands  furnished  oppor- 
tunity to  inquire  if  a  pilot  might  be  secured  to  guide  them 
along  the  coast  to  "Finmarke. "  They  were  told  that  if 
they  would  land  a  pilot  would  next  day  bring  them  to 
"the  wardhouse,*^  which  is  the  strongest  holde  in  Fin- 
marke,  and  most  resorted  to  by  report. ' '  *^  When  they 
attempted  to  enter  the  harbor,  however,  "there  came  such 
flawes  of  winde  and  terrible  whirlewinds"  that  the  ships 
were  compelled  to  put  out  to  sea  again.*^ 

At  a  council  called  by  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby  an  agree- 
ment was  made  that  if  the  ships  should  at  any  time  be 
separated  by  storm  "every  shippe  should  indevour  his 
best  to  goe  to  Wardhouse,  a  haven  or  castell  of  some  name 
in  the  kingdome  of  Norway,  and  that  they  that  arrived 
there  first  in  safetie  should  stay  and  expect  the  coming  of 
the  rest. ' ' "  On  the  same  day  on  which  this  council  was 
held,  at  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  a  storm  of 
terrific  violence  separated  the  fleet.  Willoughby 's  account 
says,  "And  that  night  by  violence  of  winde  and  thicke- 
nesse  of  mists,  we  were  not  able  to  keepe  together  witliin 
sight,  and  then  about  midnight  we  lost  our  pinnesse, 
which  was  a  discomfort  unto  us. ' '  *^  With  dawn  the  fog 
cleared,  and  in  the  distance  the  crew  of  the  Bona  Speranza 
sighted  a  ship  which  on  closer  view  proved  to  be  the  Co7i- 
fidentia;  the  Edward  Bonaventure  had  disappeared.** 
The  two  vessels  continued  in  company  to  the  northeast 
hoping  to  rejoin  Chancellor's  ship  at  Wardhouse  as  had 
been  agreed  upon  a  few  days  before.     It  seems  from  Wil- 

44  Hakluyt,  II,  219. 

45  Ibid.,  II,  220. 

46  I.e.  Vardohuus. 
*T  Ibid.,    II,   246. 
48  Ibid.,  II,  220. 


RUSSIAN  RELATIONS  11 

loughby's  journal  that  they  now  completely  lost  their  way. 
Soundings  were  taken  and  the  conclusion  reached  "that 
the  land  lay  not  as  the  Globe  made  mention. ' '  *^  They 
sailed  to  the  northeast,  then  to  the  southeast.  On  August 
1-i  land  was  sighted  in  latitude  72°  but  the  water  was  so 
shallow  that  the  boat  sent  out  to  investigate  could  not 
effect  a  landing ;  *^  there  ' '  was  very  much  ice  also,  but 
there  was  no  similitude  of  habitation."  The  fact  of 
the  case  seems  to  be  that  they  had  somehow  passed  Ward- 
house  far  to  their  right  and  they  were  aimlessly  wander- 
ing along  the  desolate  coasts  of  Russian  Lapland. 

The  rest  of  Willoughby's  journal  is  a  concise  record  of 
one  of  those  tragic  events  with  which  the  history  of  navi- 
gation abounds.  It  continues  with  almost  daily  entries  up 
to  the  end  of  September.  By  that  time  the  "White  Sea 
had  been  reached,  though  the  voyagers  seem  to  have  had  no 
knowledge  whatever  of  where  they  were.  On  the  18th  of 
September  they  entered  into  a  haven  which  "runneth  into 
the  maine,  about  two  leagues,  and  is  in  bredth  halfe  a 
league. ' '  ^°  Here  Willoughby  and  his  companions  deter- 
mined to  spend  the  ^vinter.  And  here  they  perished  to  a 
man.  A  will  later  found  in  the  Speranza  proves  that  Sir 
Hugh  and  most  of  the  company  were  still  alive  in  Jan- 
uary, 1554.^^ 

The  last  entry  in  Willoughby 's  journal,  written  toward 
the  close  of  September,  1553,  is  a  testimony  to  the  courage 
of  the  man  and  in  its  wery  simplicity  pictures  most  vi\ddly 
the  environment  in  which  he  met  his  death.  "Thus 
.  .  .  seeing  the  yeare  farre  spent,  &  also  very  evill 
wether,  as  frost,  snow,  and  haile,  as  though  it  had  beene 
the  deep  of  winter,  we  thought  best  to  winter  there. 
Wherefore    we    sent    out    three    men    Southsouthwest,    to 

49HakluTt,   II,    221. 

50  Ibid.,  II,  223. 

51  Ibid.,  II,  224. 


12  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

search  if  they  could  find  people,  who  went  three  dayes 
journey,  but  could  finde  none:  after  that,  we  sent  other 
three  Westward  four  daies  journey,  which  also  returned 
without  finding  any  people.  Then  sent  we  three  men 
Southeast  three  dayes  journey,  who  in  like  sort  returned 
without  finding  of  people,  or  any  similitude  of  habita- 
tion. "^- 

During  1554,  after  Chancellor  had  made  his  memorable 
visit  to  the  Czar,  Ivan  the  Terrible,  the  Speranza  and  the 
Confidentia  were  found  by  some  Russian  fishermen  with 
all  on  board  frozen  to  death. ^^  The  ships  were  turned 
over  to  Chancellor  on  his  second  trip  to  Russia  and  word 
of  the  tragic  fate  of  the  adventurers  thus  reached  Eng- 
land. It  seems  to  have  occasioned  a  great  deal  of  interest 
there  and  to  have  appealed  strongly  to  the  imagination  of 
the  time.  Various  embellishments,  of  more  or  less  artis- 
tic merit,  seem  to  have  been  added  to  the  narrative. 
Giovanni  Michiel,  the  Venetian  Ambassador  at  the  court 
of  England,  writing  home  to  the  Doge  and  Senate  under 
date  of  November  4,  1555,  speaks  of  the  return  of  the  sec- 
ond voyage  in  that  year  and  describes  the  finding  of  the 
Speranza  and  the  Confidentia  "on  the  Muscovite  coast, 
with  the  men  on  board  all  frozen;  and  the  mariners  now 
returned  from  the  second  voyage  relate  strange  things 
about  the  mode  in  which  they  were  frozen,  having  found 
some  of  them  seated  in  the  act  of  writing,  pens  still  in 
hand  and  the  paper  before  them;  others  at  tables,  plat- 
ter in  hand  and  spoon  in  mouth ;  others  opening  a  locker, 
and  others  in  various  postures,  like  statues,  as  if  they  had 
been  adjusted  and  placed  in  those  attitudes.  They  say 
that  some  dogs  on  board  the  ships  displayed  the  same 
phenomena.     They  found  the  effects  and  merchandise  all 

52  Hakluyt,  II,  223. 
52  Ibid.,  "ill,   331. 


RUSSIAN  RELATIONS  13 

intact  in  the  hands  of  the  natives,  and  brought  them  back 
hither  with  the  vessels. ' '  ^* 

We  must  now  return  to  consider  the  progress  of  the 
voyage  of  Richard  Chancellor  in  the  Edward  Bonaven- 
tiire.  In  the  storm  that  dispersed  the  fleet  his  vessel  com- 
pletely lost  sight  of  the  other  ships.  Left  alone  he 
shaped  his  course  toward  Wardhouse  in  accordance  with 
the  agreement  that  had  been  made.^^  Here  he  waited  a 
whole  week,  when,  giving  up  hope  of  his  companions  hav- 
ing survived  the  tempest,  he  pursued  the  interrupted  voy- 
age, sailing  far  to  the  east  till  "  at  the  length  it  pleased 
God  to  bring  them  into  a  certain  great  Bay,  which  was  of 
one  hundreth  miles  or  thereabout  over, ' '  ^*' — the  "White 
Sea.  Here  they  entered  and  made  a  landing.  From  the 
natives  it  was  soon  learned  that  "this  Countrey  was  called 
Russia,  or  Muscovie,  and  that  Ivan  Vasiliwich  ruled  and 
governed  farre  and  wide  in  those  places."  Chancellor 
explained  that  he  and  his  men  had  been  sent  by  King 
Edward  in  search  of  amity  and  commerce,  "whereby  they 
doubted  not,  but  that  great  commoditie  and  profit  would 
grow  to  the  subjects  of  both  kingdoms.  "°^  The  "gov- 
ernour  of  that  place"  replied  that  he  did  not  know  what 
would  be  the  wish  of  their  ruler,  but  immediately  des- 
patched a  messenger  to  the  Emperor  announcing  the  ar- 
rival of  the  strangers.^^  A  long  delay  following,  Chan- 
cellor announced  his  intention  of  re-embarking  and  pro- 
ceeding further  on  his  journey.^^  At  this  the  Muscovites 
"fearing  the  departure  in  deede  of  our  men  who  had  such 
wares  and  commodities  as  they  greatly  desired"  offered 
to  conduct  Chancellor  to  the  Emperor  at  once. 

Ivan  "the  Terrible"  was  at  this  time  in  his  city  of 

B4Cal  S.  P.    (Venetian)    1555-1556,  p.  240. 
55Hakluyt,  II,  247. 

56  lUd.,  il,  248. 

57  Ibid.,  II,  249. 
5SIUd.,   II,   250. 


14  THE  MUSCOVY  COjMPANY 

Moscow,  fifteen  hundred  miles  from  the  spot  where  the 
English  had  landed.  The  trip  had  to  be  made  in 
sledges.^"  On  the  way  they  met  the  royal  messengers  with 
commands  from  Ivan  that  all  haste  should  be  made  in 
bringing  the  strangers  to  his  court.''''  Of  the  hardships 
of  this  long  overland  trip  we  know  little  save  that  "  after 
much  adoe  and  great  paines  taken  in  this  long  and  wearie 
journey  .  .  .  Master  Chanceler  came  at  last  to 
]\Iosco  the  chiefe  citie  of  the  kingdome,  and  the  seate  of 
the  king."*'° 

1553,  the  date  of  Chancellor's  voyage,  may  be  said  to 
mark  the  most  brilliant  period  of  the  reign  of  Ivan  IV. 
He  had  just  completed  the  conquest  of  Kazan  in  the 
southeast  and  in  the  following  year  was  to  gain  posses- 
sion of  Astrakhan,  thus  extending  the  limits  of  his  do- 
main from  the  White  Sea  to  the  Caspian.  Only  on  his 
western  borders  might  his  ultimate  success  be  considered 
doubtful.  The  Teutonic  knights  in  Livonia,  the  Swedes, 
Lithuanians,  and  Poles  formed  a  solid  wall  between  Rus- 
sia and  the  civilization  of  western  Europe.  So  long  as 
the  arts  of  that  civilization  were  denied  to  the  Czar  the 
subjugation  of  the  powerful  neighbors  that  shut  him  off 
from  the  Baltic  would  be  an  impossibility.  Communica- 
tion by  means  of  his  distant  Arctic  coast  suggested  bril- 
liant possibilities  both  of  trade  and  contact  with  the  AVest. 
We  need  go  no  further  than  this  to  explain  the  cordial 
reception  accorded  to  Chancellor  and  his  companions  at 
the  Russian  capital. 

Chancellor  ■wo'iting  of  Russia  shortly  after  his  return 
to  England  gives  us  a  description  of  the  rude  splendor  of 
Ivan's  court.''^  After  waiting  at  Moscow  twelve  days  he 
was  summoned  to  wait  upon  the  Czar  and  present  the  let- 

59Hakluyt,   II,   250. 
eolUd.,  II,  251. 
61  IMd.,  II,  224  S. 


RUSSIAN  RELATIONS  15 

ter  from  Edward  VI.*'^  An  interpreter  conducted  him 
into  an  outer  chamber  "where  sate  one  hundred  or  moe 
gentlemen,  all  in  cloth  of  golde  very  sumptuous. ' '  ^^  From 
here  he  was  taken  to  the  Council  Chamber  where  he  was 
presented  to  the  Emperor  in  the  presence  of  the  assem- 
bled nobles:  "they  sate  round  about  the  chamber  on  high, 
yet  so  that  he  himselfe  sate  much  higher  than  any  of  his 
nobles  in  a  chaire  gilt,  and  in  a  long  garment  of  beaten 
golde,  \nth  an  emperial  crowne  upon  his  head,  and  a 
staffe  of  Cristall  and  golde  in  his  right  hand,  and  his 
other  hand  half  e  leaning  on  his  chaire. ' '  ^^  The  Czar 
received  the  letter  and  bidding  Chancellor  welcome  in- 
quired of  the  king's  health.  Chancellor  after  respond- 
ing appropriately  presented  Ivan  mth  a  suitable  gift  and 
departed.*'^  Two  hours  later  he  dined  in  state  with  the 
Czar  at  the  golden  palace,  "but,"  he  writes,  "I  saw  no 
cause  why  it  should  be  so  called;  for  I  have  scene  many 
f ayrer  then  it  in  all  poynts. ' '  '^^  There  follows  in  Chan- 
cellor's  narration  a  full  description  of  the  banquet. 

Ivan  formally  accepted  the  suggestion  of  an  alliance 
and  the  establishment  of  commercial  relations  between  his 
country  and  England.  His  letter  in  reply  to  that  of 
Edward  VI  was  brought  back  to  England  by  Chancellor 
in  1554."*  It  is  addressed  to  Edward,  as  to  whose  death 
in  the  interval  both  Ivan  and  Chancellor  were  of  course 
in  ignorance.  The  letter  grants  the  request  presented  by 
Chancellor  that  English  subjects  may  visit  Russia  and 
"frequent  free  IMarts,  with  all  sortes  of  marchandizes,  and 
...  to  have  wares  for  their  returne. ' '  "^  The  Eng- 
lish king  is  asked  to  send  a  representative  mth  whom 
definite  arrangements  may   be   concluded  for  commercial 

62Hakluyt,  II,  226. 
63  Ibid.,  il,  227. 
^Hhid.,  II,  271. 
65/6td.,  II,  272. 


16  THE  MUSCOVY  COIVIPANY 

privileges  throughout  the  Czar's  dominions.  The  letter 
announces  further  that  the  Emperor  has  given  order  ' '  that 
wheresoever  your  faithful  servant  Hugh  Willoughbie  land 
or  touch  in  our  dominions,  to  be  wel  entertained,  who  as 
yet  is  not  arrived,  as  your  servant  Richard  can  declare." *" 

Of  Chancellor's  return  trip  to  England  we  have  no  de- 
tailed account.  On  his  arrival  Ivan's  letter  was  pre- 
sented to  Queen  Mary.  The  change  of  rulers  seems 
to  have  involved  no  change  of  policy  so  far  as  com- 
mercial relations  were  concerned.  The  highest  officials  in 
the  government  were  interested  in  the  project.  The  Com- 
pany applied  for  letters  of  incorporation.  These  were 
granted  Februaiy  6,  1555/"  from  which  date  the  Com- 
pany's corporate  history  begins.  The  charter  of  1555 
grants  to  the  Company  the  exclusive  right  to  trade  mth 
any  of  the  Czar's  dominions,  establishes  the  form  of  gov- 
ernment and  organization  of  the  Company,  and  appoints 
Sebastian  Cabot  to  be  Governor  of  the  Company  during 
the  remainder  of  his  life. 

On  May  1,  1555,  the  Company  adopted  articles  for  the 
second  voyage."^  This  time  Russia  was  the  definite  des- 
tination. Two  vessels,  the  Edward  Bonaventure  and  the 
Philip  and  Mary,  were  laden  with  merchandise  and  sent 
out  under  the  charge  of  Richard  Chancellor.*'^  Two 
agents,  George  Killingworth  and  Richard  Gray,  were  sent 
with  the  ships  to  reside  in  Russia  and  take  charge  of  the 
Company's  interests  in  that  countr5\°^  Detailed  instruc- 
tions were  given  them  as  to  the  limits  of  their  authority 
and    the   conduct    of    the    affairs   of    the    Company.     On 

66  Hakluyt,  II,  316.  The  closing  words  of  the  charter,  ''Apud  West- 
monasterium,  6  die  Feb.  Annis  regnorum  nostrorum,  primo  & 
secundo,"  fix  the  date  as  1555.  February,  1555,  falls  in  the  first 
regnal  year  of  Philip  as  King  of  England  and  in  the  second  regnal 
year  of  Queen  Mary. 

67  76trf.,  II,  281. 
eslbid.,  II,  282. 
60 /bid.,  II,  281. 


EUSSIAN  RELATIONS  17 

Chancellor's  second  arrival  in  Russia  Ivan  repeated  his 
gracious  welcome.'"  In  response  to  a  letter  from  Philip 
and  Mary  '^^  he  granted  liberal  trading  privileges  to  the 
merchants/-  privileges  which  from  the  point  of  view  of 
the  Company  must  be  considered  as  supplementing  the 
charter  privileges  granted  earlier  in  the  year  by  the  Eng- 
lish government. 

On  July  20,  1556,  Chancellor  departed  for  England, 
the  Edward  Bonaventure  and  the  Philip  and  Mary  being 
accompanied  on  this  return  voyage  by  the  Bona  Speranza 
and  the  Confideniia,''^  which  had  been  found  on  the  coast 
of  Lapland  and  turned  over  to  the  English  by  the  Czar. 
The  Edward  carried  a  cargo  "in  waxe,  trane  oyle,  tallow, 
furres,  felts,  yarne  and  such  like,  to  the  summe  of  20000. 
{sic)  li.  sterling."  ^^  More  significant  still,  it  bore  the  first 
Russian  ambassador  to  the  court  of  England,  Osep 
Napea,''^  ' '  governor  of  the  town  of  Vologda. ' '  The  storms 
of  the  Arctic,  destined  to  play  so  large  a  part  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  Company,  soon  separated  the  vessels  of  the 
fleet.  The  Bona  Speranza  and  the  Confidentia,  still  pur- 
sued by  their  former  ill  fortune,  perished  on  the  coast  of 
Norway. '^^  The  Philip  and  Mary  after  long  delays  finally 
reached  London  in  April  of  the  next  year.^^  The  Edward 
with  its  rich  cargo,  after  four  months'  buffeting,  finally 
reached  the  coast  of  Scotland  in  November,  1556.^*^  Here 
"by  outrageous  tempests,  and  extreme  stormes,  the  said 
ship  .  .  .  was  driven  upon  the  rockes  on  shore,  where 
she  brake  and  split  in  pieces. ' '  '^^  Chancellor,  attempting 
to   save   the   life   of   the   ambassador,    lost  his   own   life. 

70  Hakluyt,  II,  292. 

71  Ihid.,  il,  278. 

72  Ihid.,  II,  297  ff. 

73  lUd.,  II,  3.51. 

74  Ihid.,  II,  350. 

75  "The  said  Confidentia  was  seene  to  perisli  on  a  Rocke,"  Ihid., 
II,  351.     The  Bona  Speranza  was  never  heard  of  again. 

t^lhid.,  II,  352. 


18  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

Osep  Napea  was  one  of  the  few  persons  who  survived 
the  disaster.  The  cargo  and  the  valuable  presents  sent 
by  Ivan  to  Philip  and  Mary  were  either  lost  in  the  sea  or 
seized  by  the  rude  natives  of  that  region/^  In  spite  of 
the  cooperation  of  the  Scotch  governments^  very  little  of 
this  booty  was  ever  recovered: — "divers  small  parcels  of 
waxe,  and  other  small  trifling  things  of  no  value,  were  by 
the  poorer  sort  of  the  Scottes  brought  to  the  commission- 
ers, but  the  Jewels,  rich  apparell,  presents,  gold,  silver, 
costly  furres,  and  such  like,  were  conveyed  away,  con- 
cealed and  utterly  embezelled. " '^^ 

The  Company  received  news  of  the  catastrophe  early 
in  December,  1556J®  They  at  once  secured  letters  from 
the  Queen  to  the  Scotch  government  requesting  the  proper 
entertainment  of  the  ambassador  and  the  restitution  of 
the  goods  that  had  been  plundered/''  They  further  sent 
"two  Gentlemen  of  good  learning,  gravitie  and  estima- 
tion"^** to  bring  the  Russian  ambassador  to  London. 
These  agents  arrived  in  Scotland  on  December  23,  but  the 
delays  attendant  on  the  attempt  to  secure  the  stolen  and 
already  widely  distributed  cargo  prevented  their  depar- 
ture from  that  country  until  the  following  February.^^ 
On  February  18,  1557,  they  reached  Berwick  where  the 
ambassador  was  honorably  entertained  by  the  Lord 
Warden  of  the  East  Marches.^-  From  Berwick  he  was 
conducted  toward  London, ^^  finally  arriving  in  the  neigli- 

77  Hakluyt,  IT,  352. 

78  lUd.,  il,  353. 

79  lUd.,  II,  352. 

80  md.,  II,  353. 

81  Ihid.,   354. 

82  lUd.  Cf.  letters  of  the  Privy  Council  to  the  Warden,  Dec.  1, 
1556,   and   Feb.  24,   1557.     A   P.   C.   1556-1558   pp.   27   and   56. 

83  The  ambassador's  route  from  Berwick  to  London  is  indi- 
cated by  the  instructions  sent  by  the  Privy  Council  to  the  sheriflfa 
of  Nottingham,  Lincoln,  Northampton,  Cambridge,  Huntingdon,  Es- 
sex and  Hertford  to  conduct  the  Russian  Ambassador  safely  to  the 


RUSSIAN  RELATIONS  19 

borhood  of  that  city  on  February  27.  Twelve  miles  from 
London  Napea  was  received  by  "fourscore  merchants  with 
chaines  of  gold  and  goodly  apparell. "  ^*  By  these  he  was 
conducted  to  a  "marchants  house  foure  miles  from  Lon- 
don." Next  day  he  was  accompanied  to  the  city  by  one 
hundred  and  forty  members  of  the  Company.^^  He  was 
formally  welcomed  by  Viscount  Montague  who  had  been 
sent  by  the  Queen  to  meet  him.^^  A  procession  of  three 
hundred  "knights,  esquiers,  gentlemen  and  yoemen"  ac- 
companied him  toward  Smithfield  Bars,  "the  first  limits 
of  the  liberties  of  the  Citie  of  London."  Here  he  was 
received  by  the  Lord  Mayor  "with  all  the  Aldermen  in 
their  Skarlet  .  .  .  and  so  riding  through  the  citie  of 
London  in  the  middle,  between  the  Lord  Maior  and  Vis- 
count Montague,  a  great  number  of  merchants  and  notable 
personages  riding  before,  and  a  large  troupe  of  servants 
and  apprentices  following,  was  conducted  through  the  Citie 
of  London  (with  great  admiration  and  plausibilitie  of  the 
people  running  plentifully  on  all  sides,  and  replenishing 
all  streets  in  such  .sort  as  no  man  without  difficultie  might 
passe)  into  his  lodging  situate  in  Pant  church  ®®  streete, 
where  were  provided  for  him  two  chambers  richly  hanged 
and  decked  .  .  ."  On  his  entrance  into  his  apart- 
ments he  was  presented  with  a  splendid  gift  from  the 
Queen. ®^ 

The  formal  reception  of  the  ambassador  by  the  court 
did  not  take  place  immediately  owing  to  the  absence  of 
Philip  in  Flanders.  Meanwhile  the  Company  attended  to 
his  wants.  "Daily  divers  Aldermen  and  the  gravest  per- 
sonages of  the  said  companie  did  visite  him,  providing  all 

next  county  and  see  him  well  attended  to  "for  his  reasonable  money." 
A.  P.  C.  1556-1558,  pp.  51-52. 

8*  Hakluyt,  II,  354  flf.  "A  discourse  of  the  .  .  .  receiving 
.     .     .     of  the  first  Ambassador  from     .     .     .     Russia. 

65  Ibid.,  II,  355. 

86  I.e.  Fenchurch  Street. 

87  Hakluyt,    II,   356. 


20  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

kind  of  victuals  for  his  table  and  his  servants,  with  al 
sorts  of  Officers  to  attend  upon  him  in  good  sort  and  con- 
dition, as  to  such  an  ambassadour  of  honour  doeth  and 
ought  to  appertaine. "  ^*  In  fact  during  his  entire  stay 
in  England  the  Company  assumed  the  responsibility  of 
hLs  entertainment.  They  invited  him  "to  the  Maior,  and 
divers  worshipfull  mens  houses,  feasting  and  banquetting 
him  right  friendlie,  shewing  unto  him  the  most  notable 
and  commendable  sights  of  London,  as  the  kings  palace 
and  house,  the  Churches  of  Westminster  and  Powles,  the 
Tower  and  Guild  hall  of  London,  and  such  like  memorable 
spectacles. ' '  ^^  Finally,  on  April  29,  shortly  before  his 
departure,  the  merchants  of  the  Company  assembled  in 
the  ambassador's  honor  at  Drapers'  Hall  and  there  "ex- 
hibited and  gave  unto  ye  said  Ambassador,  a  notable  sup- 
per garnished  with  musicke,  Enterludes  and  bankets. ' '  ^* 

Philip  arrived  in  England  from  Flanders  on  March  21, 
and  four  days  later  Napea  was  formally  received  by  the 
English  King  and  Queen  at  their  court  at  Whitehall  in 
Westminster.''*'  He  presented  his  letter  from  Ivan,  "made 
his  oration,"  and  having  been  graciously  dismissed  re- 
turned by  water  to  his  lodging.''*'  The  letter  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  preserved,  but  in  the  light  of  the  reply 
sent  by  Philip  and  Mary  ^^  and  the  contemporary  com- 
ments of  the  Venetian  ambassador  "^  we  can  infer  that  a 
treaty  of  alliance  had  been  proposed. 

Two  days  later  the  Eussian  ambassador  was  visited  by 
the  bishop  of  Ely  and  Sir  William  Knight  who  took  the 
negotiations    in   charge.^^     On   April    23   he   took   formal 

ssHakluyt,  II,  356. 

89  Ibid.,  il,  358. 

90  Ibid.,  II,  356. 

91  Tolstoy,  Forty  Years'  Relation  between  England  and  Russia,  p. 
13. 

92  Cal.  S.  P.   (Venetian)   1556-1557,  p.  1005. 
P3  Hakluyt,  II,  357, 


RUSSIAN  RELATIONS  21 

leave  of  their  majesties,  receiving  a  written  reply  to 
Ivan's  proposition.  IMerchants  of  both  countries  were 
hereafter  to  enjoy  equal  privileges  of  free  trade  and  gov- 
ernmental protection.  The  Czar's  offer  of  friendship  was 
accepted."* 

On  May  3  the  ambassador  left  London,  being  accom- 
panied to  Gravesend  by  "divers  Aldermen  and  merchants, 
who  in  good  gard  set  liim  aboord  the  noble  shippe,  the 
Primrose  Admiral  to  the  Fleete,  where  leave  was  taken  on 
both  sides  and  parts,  after  many  imbracements  and  divers 
f arewels  not  without  expressing  of  tears. ' '  ^^ 

With  the  close  of  this  embassy  diplomatic  relations  be- 
tween England  and  Russia  may  be  considered  to  have  been 
firmly  established.  Thenceforth  ambassadors  went  back 
and  forth  between  the  two  countries  as  special  occasion 
arose.  Commercially  also  the  bonds  between  the  two  na- 
tions may  be  said  to  have  become  firmly  established  by 
1557,  the  year  of  Napea's  departure.  A  commercial  un- 
derstanding had  been  reached  and  a  scheme  of  mutual 
benefits  established.  From  that  time  forward  every  spring 
the  Company  sent  out  its  cargo&s  to  the  White  Sea,  bring- 
ing in  return  the  wares  of  distant  Russia. 

04Hakluyt,  II,  357;  Tolstoy,  p.  13. 
95  Hakluyt,  II,  358. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE   ORGANIZATION   OF   THE   MUSCOVY   COMPANY 

Our  knowledge  of  the  organization  of  the  Muscovy  Com- 
pany, except  for  the  general  provisions  contained  in  its 
charter,  must  be  based  upon  indirect  evidence  in  contem- 
porary documents.  The  official  records  of  the  Company, 
could  they  be  found,  would  give  us  a  much  closer  view  of 
the  subject  than  is  now  possible.  That  records  were  kept 
there  can  be  no  doubt.  All  efforts  to  locate  them,  how- 
ever, have  up  to  the  present  time  proved  futile,  and  it  has 
been  surmised  with  much  semblance  of  probability  that 
the  official  documents  containing  the  accounts  and  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Company  have  been  destroyed.  Certain 
it  is  that  Muscovy  House,  the  official  home  of  the  Company 
in  London  and  the  probable  repository  of  its  records,  was 
burned  in  the  Great  Fire  of  1666.  An  indenture  bearing 
date  of  March  30,  1670,  makes  distinct  reference  to  "that 
toft  peece  or  parcell  of  ground  whereon  that  Capital! 
mesuage  formerly  called  the  Muscovie  House  .  .  . 
stood  .  .  .  before  the  late  dreadfull  fire  in  London."^ 
"Whether  or  not  the  Great  Fire  accounts  for  the  present 
lack  of  direct  source  material,  the  fact  remains  that  for 
the  present  at  least  the  student  of  the  history  of  the  Mus- 
covy Company  in  the  sixteenth  century  has  no  group  of 
material  corresponding  in  any  way  to  the  Court  Books 
of  the  East  India  Company  or  the  Acts  and  Ordinances  of 
the  Eastland  Company. 

Fortunately  the  Charter  of  1555  contains  in  outline  the 

general  plan  of  organization.     We  have  definite  knowledge 

iHusting  Roll,  341   (29). 

22 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  COMPANY  23 

that  organization  of  some  sort  had  been  effected  at  the 
very  beginning  of  the  movement.  "We  have  seen  that  in 
1553  the  Company  had  a  governor  and  a  governing  board 
definitely  referred  to  as  the  Consuls  and  Assistants.-  It 
is  highly  probable  that  the  letters  of  incorporation,  so  far 
as  this  phase  of  their  content  is  concerned,  merely  con- 
firmed the  plan  of  organization  under  which  the  Company 
had  been  already  working  for  more  than  two  years.  The 
statute  of  1566,  confirming  and  enlarging  the  Company's 
privileges,  specifies  no  change  in  this  respect.  We  are 
probably  justified  in  concluding  that  the  plan  of  organi- 
zation outlined  in  the  first  chapter  represents  the  form 
under  which  the  Company  existed  from  its  very  inception 
and  throughout  the  period  we  are  considering.  An  analy- 
sis of  some  of  the  provisions  of  the  first  charter,  there- 
fore, and  a  consideration  of  the  incidental  references  to 
be  found  in  contemporary  letters  and  accounts,  furnish 
us  with  as  adequate  a  comprehension  of  the  Company's 
organization  as,  in  the  absence  of  the  official  records,  it  is 
possible  to  secure. 

In  the  first  charter  the  new  trading  company  was  or- 
ganized under  the  name  of  ' '  ]\Iarchants  adventurers  of 
England,  for  the  discovery  of  lands,  territories,  lies,  Do- 
minions, and  Seigniories  unknowen,  and  not  before  that 
late  adventure  or  enterprise  by  sea  or  navigation,  com- 
monly frequented. ' '  ^  This  had  evidently  been  the  name 
adopted  at  the  time  of  the  Company's  first  formation.* 
This  cumbrous  title  the  Company  bore  till  the  issue  of  the 
second  charter  in  1566.  That  document  mentions  the  ex- 
treme length  of  this  title  as  one  of  the  reasons  for  issuing 
the  new  charter! — "     ,     .     .     And  for  that  the  name  by 

2  Supra,  p.   4. 

3  Hakluyt,  II,  305.  Not  to  be  confused  with  the  Society  of  Mer- 
chants Adventurers  of  England.  The  similarity  of  official  title  has 
led  to  some  confusion  in  the  past. 

4  Cf.  the  title  of  Cabot's  instructions  in  1553.     Hid.,  II,  195. 


24  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

which  the  saide  felowship  is  incorporated  by  the  letters 
patents  aforesaid,  is  long,  &  consisteth  of  very  many 
words:  Therefore  be  it  enacted,  etc."° 

Accordingly  the  new  charter  conferred  a  new  name  upon 
the  Company.  "The  said  felowship,  company,  society  and 
corporation  made  or  created  by  the  said  letters  patents, 
slial  at  al  time  &  times  from  henceforth  be  incorporated, 
named  and  called  onely  by  the  name  of  the  fellowship  of 
English  merchants,  for  discovery  of  new  trades. ' '  °  The 
lack  of  contemporary  trading  companies  is  clearly  seen  in 
the  vague  character  of  this  title,  specifying  as  it  does  noth- 
ing as  to  the  nature  of  the  trade  or  the  sphere  of  the 
Company's  activities.  The  "company  for  the  discovery  of 
new  trades"  remained  its  official  name  throughout  the 
sixteenth  century  and  beyond. 

Usage,  however,  soon  came  to  apply  a  more  distinctive 
appellation.  As  early  as  1555  the  Venetian  ambassador, 
Giovanni  Michiel,  writing  home  to  the  Doge  and  Senate 
refers  to  "this  new  Muscovite  navigation  [company]."^ 
In  1558  Queen  ]\Iary  writes  to  Sigismund,  King  of  Poland, 
of  "the  Society  of  Merchants  of  London  who  trade  with 
Russia."*  Again  in  1566  we  find  them  spoken  of  as  the 
' '  company  of  Merchant  Adventurers  into  Russia. "  "  In 
1567  Robert  Glover  wrote  to  the  "company  of  Muscovy 
merchants. ' '  "  The  next  year  we  find  them  again  referred 
to  merely  as  the  "Muscovy  Merchants. "  ^^  A  document 
dated  May  19,  1568,  and  endorsed  by  Cecil  is  headed 
"Articles  between  the  Queen  and  the  Muscovy  Company." 

5  Hakluyt,  III,  86. 
6 /bid.,   Ill,   87. 

7Cal.  S.  P.    (Venetian)    1555-1556  p.  143. 

8  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  13th  Report,  app.  part  II,  p.  10  (Rutland 
MSS. ) . 

oCal.  S.  P.  (Domestic)  1547-1580  p.  280. 
loCal.  S.  P.  (Foreign)  1566-1568,  p.  309. 
ii/6mZ.,  p.  462    (2). 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  COMPANY  25 

This  is  the  form  in  which  we  find  the  name  of  the  Com- 
pany with  extreme  frequency  thenceforward.  This  nar- 
rowing of  the  title  corresponds  with  the  growth  of  the 
trade  with  Russia  and  the  gradual  confining  of  the  mer- 
chants' efforts  to  the  exploitation  of  that  country.  Par- 
ticularly in  the  last  quarter  of  the  sixteenth  century  when 
trading  companies  were  multiplying  did  it  become  neces- 
sary to  use  some  distinguishing  name.  Hence  the  in- 
creasing use  of  the  terms  Muscovy  Company  and  Russia 
Company. 

The  first  charter  clearly  specifies  what  officers  the  Com- 
pany shall  have  and  gives  some  intimation  of  their  mode 
of  election.  The  officials  designated  consist  of  a  Gov- 
ernor or  Governors  (either  one  or  two  at  the  option  of 
the  Company),  four  Consuls,  and  twenty-four  Assist- 
ants.^^ In  general  plan  this  is  not  unlike  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  old  company  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers, 
the  chief  difference  being  that  that  body  had  but  one  Gov- 
ernor and  made  no  provisions  for  Consuls. ^^  The  num- 
ber of  Assistants  was  the  same  in  both  companies,  a  fea- 
ture of  their  organization  which  was  also  typical  of  the 
later  Eastland  ^*  and  East  India  ^^  Companies. 

The  Governors. — The  charter  provides  in  the  first  place 
that  the  Company  shall  "yeerely  name,  elect  and  choose 
one  Governour  or  two."^''  There  is  no  intimation  of  any 
intended  superiority  of  one  Governor  over  the  other  or 
any  hint  that  the  two  officials  were  to  stand  in  the  rela- 
tion of  chief  and  deputy.     In  fact,  in  the  later  working 

12  Hakluyt,  II,  306. 

13  Lingelbach,  The  Internal  Organization  of  the  Merchant  Adven- 
turers of  England,  p.  29. 

1*  Sellers,  Acts  and  Ordinances  of  the  Eastland  Company,  p.  xiii. 
The  portion  of  the  charter  cited  in  Miss  Sellers'  work  omits  the 
provision  referring  to  the  number  of  Assistants. 

15  Charter  of  the  East  India  Company,  in  Prothero,  Statutes  and 
Constitutional  Documents  1558-1625,  p.  449. 

16  Hakluyt,  II,  306. 


26  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

out  of  the  system  there  is  every  indication  of  an  equality 
in  rank:  where  there  are  two  Governors  their  names  are 
coupled  without  any  indication  of  a  difference  in  dignity. 
We  are  justified,  moreover,  in  assuming  that  if  any  other 
condition  but  that  of  equality  had  been  intended  some 
statement  to  that  effect  would  be  found  in  the  charter. 
The  provision  for  a  dual  governorship  seems  to  have  been 
peculiar  to  the  j\Iuscovy  Company.  No  reason  for  the 
innovation  is  suggested,  though  the  analogy  to  the  Lon- 
don shrievalty  presents  itself,  not  as  an  explanation,  but 
as  an  interesting  parallel.  The  title  "Governor"  men- 
tioned in  the  charter  seems  to  have  been  fairly  consist- 
ently adhered  to.  The  term  "lieutenant"  is  used,  how- 
ever, in  at  least  one  place  with  evident  reference  to  this 
official.^^  The  expression  "Master  of  the  Muscovy  House" 
seems  also  to  have  been  used  with  this  signification.^^ 
"Whether  "chejif  marchand  of  Muskovea,"  used  by 
Machyn  ^^  in  spealdng  of  Sir  George  Barnes  on  the  occa- 
sion of  his  death  in  1558,  is  still  another  variation  of  the 
title  is  difficult  to  say  in  the  absence  of  further  informa- 
tion as  to  the  official  position  held  by  Barnes  in  that  year. 
Officially,  however,  there  is  very  little  variation  from  the 
regular  title. 

Sebastian  Cabot,  the  Charter  of  1555  provides,  "in  con- 
sideration that  ...  he  hath  bin  the  chiefest  setter 
forth  of  this  journey  or  voyage,"  is  to  be  the  first  Gov- 
ernor.^**  This  position  he  is  to  enjoy  "during  his  naturall 
life,  without  amoving  or  dismissing  from  the  same 
roome.  "-"^  During  his  life,  however,  the  Company  may 
at  their  yearly  election  choose  an  additional  Governor  if 
they  so  desire.^^     Cabot  died  in  1557.     There  is  no  inti- 

17  Hakluyt,  II,  375. 

isCal.  S.  P.    (Colonial)    1513-1616,  p.  85. 

19  Machyn's  Diary,  p.  166. 

20  Hakluyt,  II,  305. 

21  Ibid.,  il,  306. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  COMPANY  27 

mation  in  the  few  contemporary  references  relating  to  the 
history  of  the  Company  in  the  period  of  less  than  three 
years  between  its  incorporation  and  the  death  of  its  first 
Governor  that  any  one  was  elected  to  share  Cabot's  office. 
The  evidence  on  this  point,  however,  is  in  large  measure 
negative.  It  seems  highly  improbable  in  view  of  the 
unique  position  occupied  by  Sebastian  Cabot  toward  the 
close  of  his  life  that  the  Company  would  have  chosen  any 
other  member  to  share  the  governorship  with  him. 

After  Cabot's  death  the  dual  governorship  seems  to 
have  been  frequently  though  probably  not  invariably  in 
use.  It  has  not  been  possible  to  compile  any  complete 
list  of  the  successive  occupants  of  this  position.  The  fol- 
lowing references,  however,  are  among  those  that  seem 
to  indicate  the  prevalence  of  a  dual  governorship.  A 
letter  from  the  Company  to  its  agents  written  in  1560 
mentions  the  " Governours."  ^-  The  instructions  to  An- 
thony Jenkinson  under  date  of  May  8,  1561,  are  signed 
by  William  Gerrard  and  Thomas  Lodge,  "Governors."  -^ 
Under  date  of  November  20,  1564,  we  find  a  petition 
of  the  "Governors,  Consuls,  etc.,"  of  the  Company  to  the 
Privy  Council.^*  Other  references  leave  no  doubt  of  the 
fact  of  the  existence  of  two  Governors  in  that  year.-^  In 
1567  we  find  Sir  William  Gerrard  and  Rowland  Hawarde 
jointly  filling  the  office.^'*  Again  in  the  following  year 
a  letter  is  addressed  to  the  "Governors  of  the  Company  of 
Russia  Merchants."-^  In  1575  the  Queen  refers  to  the 
official  heads  of  the  Company,  using  the  expression  "gov- 
ernors of  the  merchants."  ^^     Under  date  of  May  20,  1580, 

22  Hakluyt,  II,  410. 

23  Ibid.,    II,    14. 

24Cal.   S.   P.    (Colonial)    1513-1616,   p.   4. 
25Cal.  S.  P.    (Domestic)    1547-1580,  p.  246    (2). 
28  Ibid.,  p.  287. 

27Cal.  Clarendon  MSS.   (Bodl.)    Addenda,  No.  303. 
28Cal.  S.  P.    (Foreign)    1575-1577,  p.  52. 


28  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

we  find  a  commission  granted  by  Sir  Rowland  Ilawarde 
and  George  Barne,  "Governors  of  the  Company  of  Eng- 
lish merchants  for  Discovery  of  New  Trades."^®  In  1592 
Sir  George  Barne  and  Sir  John  Harte  are  definitely  re- 
ferred to  as  "governors  of  the  Russia  and  Muscovy  Com- 
pany." ^^ 

That  there  were  times,  however,  when  the  Company  ex- 
ercised its  option  of  electing  a  single  official  to  act  as 
Governor  is  indicated  by  a  number  of  scattered  refer- 
ences hardly  to  be  explained  on  any  other  supposition. 
In  the  following  citations  the  use  of  the  singular  number 
can  scarcely  be  attributed  to  carelessness  on  the  part  of 
the  various  writers.  Arthur  Edwards  in  a  letter  of  1566 
says:  "I  have  written  the  prices  of  wares  in  my  letter 
to  the  governour  both  for  spices  and  some  drugs  which  I 
do  know. ' '  ^^  The  expression  ' '  Sir  William  Gerrard 
and  the  Company  of  merchants  trading  to  Russia"  in  a 
document  of  1576  ^-  would  hardly  have  been  used  if  at 
that  time  the  Company  had  had  two  Governors.  Again 
under  date  of  Januarj-^  19,  1583,  we  find  a  reference  to 
"Mr.  Harvie,  the  governor,  and  others  of  the  Russia  com- 
pany. "^^  Similarly  in  1591  reference  is  made  to  "Sir 
Jno.  Hart,  governor,  and  others  of  the  Company  of  j\Ier- 
chants  trading  to  Russia. "  ^*  A  letter  to  Lady  Walsing- 
ham  written  in  1583  makes  mention  of  the  Governor  of  the 
Muscovy  Company.^^  It  would  seem  that  we  are  justi- 
fied in  concluding  that  while  we  have  a  number  of  spe- 
cific references  to  prove  the  existence  of  two  Governors 
for  the  Company  there  are  intimations  that  this  was  not 
an  invariable  practice. 

20Cal.  S.  P.  (Domestic)  1547-1580,  p.  656. 

30Cal.  S.  P.  (Domestic)  1591-1594,  p.  170. 
31  Hakluyt,  III,  51. 

32Cal.  S.  P.  (Domestic)  1547-1580,  p.   523. 

33Cal.  S.  P.  (Domestic)  1581-1590,  p.  91. 

34Cal.  S.  P.  (Domestic)  1591-1594,  p.  30. 

35Cal.  S.  P.  (Domestic)  1581-1590,  p.  138. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  COMPANY  29 

Unfortunately  "we  have  no  account  of  any  election  of 
the  Company's  Governors,  so  that  we  have  no  definite 
knowledge  of  the  exact  form  of  procedure.  It  probably 
did  not  vary  in  any  important  respect  from  the  mode 
of  election  employed  in  other  incorporated  bodies  of  the 
time.  On  this  point  the  charter  provides,  "And  further- 
more, we  graunt  unto  the  same  fellowship  .  .  .  that 
they  .  .  .  shall,  and  may  freely  and  lawfully  in 
places  convenient  and  honest,  assemble  themselves  to- 
gether, or  so  many  of  them  as  will  or  can  assemble  to- 
gether, as  well  within  our  citie  of  London,  or  elsewhere, 
as  it  shall  please  them,  in  such  sort  and  maner,  as  other 
worshipfull  corporations  of  our  saide  citie  have  used  to 
assemble,  and  there  yeerly  name,  elect  and  choose  one 
Governour  or  two,  of  themselves,  and  their  liberties,  and 
also  .  .  .  the  four  Consuls  and  the  twenty-four  As- 
sistants. "  ^^  In  the  event  of  the  death  of  a  Governor 
during  his  terra  of  office  the  Company  is  to  meet  and  elect 
a  successor  "in  the  place  and  steade  of  such  as  so  shall 
happen  to  die,  to  serve  out  the  same  yeere. "  ^^  It  is  in- 
teresting to  notice  that  seldom  if  ever  were  men  appointed 
to  this  office  for  a  long  series  of  consecutive  terms. 

The  Governors  of  the  ]\Iusco\y  Company  were  fre- 
quently men  of  considerable  standing  in  the  municipal 
life  of  their  time.  Names  of  Mayors  and  Aldermen  are 
of  frequent  occurrence,  clearly  pointing  to  the  dominance 
of  city  influence  in  the  administration  of  the  Company. 
Those  members  who  held  influential  positions  in  the 
national  government  seem  to  have  contented  themselves 
for  the  most  part  with  simple  membership.  Among 
the  Mayors  and  Sheriffs  who  held  high  office  in  the  Com- 
pany may  be  mentioned  William  Chester,  who  was  Sheriff 
in  1554  ^^  and  Mayor  in  1560 ;  ^^  Thomas  Lodge,  who  was 

saHakluyt,  II,  306. 

3TStow,  Survey  of  London  (edition  of  1908),  II,  183. 

38/6td.,  II,  184. 


30  THE  MUSCOVY  COIVIPANY 

Sheriff  in  1559  "  and  Mayor  in  1562/°  Rowland  Hawarde, 
who  was  Sheriff  in  1563  "  and  Mayor  in  1570  *°  and  again 
in  1590 ;  ^^  George  Bame,  who  was  Sheriff  in  1576  *°  and 
Mayor  in  1586 ;  ^^  and  John  Harte,  who  was  Sheriff  in 
1578  3»  and  Mayor  in  1589.3" 

The  Consuls  and  Assistants. — The  Charter  of  1555  makes 
provision  for  twenty-eight  other  officials  to  assist  the  Gov- 
ernor or  Governors.  Four  of  these  were  to  be  kno"\vn  as 
Consuls,  and  the  remaining  twenty-four  as  Assistants.*^ 
They  were  to  be  elected  by  the  Company  at  the  same  meet- 
ing at  which  the  Governors  were  chosen,  and  like  them 
were  to  hold  office  for  one  year.*^  This  is  clearly  the  mean- 
ing of  the  rather  awkwardly  worded  provision:  "  ... 
also  at  the  election  of  such  said  Govemour  or  governours 
.  .  .  to  choose,  name  and  appoint  eight  and  twenty  of 
the  most  sad,  discreete,  and  honest  persons  of  the  saide 
fellowship,  and  communalty  of  Marchant  adventurers, 
.  .  .  and  4.  of  the  most  expert  and  skilfull  persons 
of  the  same  28.  to  be  named  and  called  Consuls,  and  24. 
of  the  residue,  to  be  named  and  called  Assistants  to  the 
saide  Governour  or  governours,  and  Consuls  for  the  time 
being,  which  shal  remain  and  stand  in  their  authorities 
for  one  whole  yeere  then  next  following. ' '  *^  The  differ- 
ence in  function  between  the  two  sorts  of  officials,  i.e., 
Consuls  and  Assistants,  is  difficult  to  ascertain  owing  to 
the  absence  of  definite  references  in  documents  that  have 
come  down  to  us.  The  charter  provision  just  cited  clearly 
implies  that  Consuls  occupy  a  higher  rank  than  Assistants ; 
out  of  the  twenty-eight  first  chosen  ''the  most  expert  and 
skilfull"  were  selected  to  be  Consuls.  We  have,  however, 
no  explicit  reference  to  the  relative  amount  of  authority 
connected  with  the  two  offices. 

39  Stow,  Survey  of  London,  II,  185. 

40  Ibid.,  II,  184. 

41  Hakluyt,  II,  306. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  CO:\rPANY  31 

The  Governors,  Consuls  and  Assistants  constituted  a 
sort  of  governing  board  with  extensive  powers.  When 
there  was  one  Governor  this  board  consisted  of  twenty- 
nine  members ;  when  there  were  two  Governors  it  contained 
thirty.  This  group  of  men  were  given  by  the  charter  full 
authority  to  govern  the  Company, — "to  execute  and  doe 
full  and  speedie  justice  to  them,  and  every  of  them,  in 
all  their  causes,  differences,  variances,  controversies,  quar- 
rels, and  complaints,  within  any  our  realms,  dominions  and 
jurisdictions  onely  moved  and  to  be  moved,  touching  their 
marchandise,  traffikes,  and  occupiers  aforesaid,  or  the  good 
order  or  rule  of  them  or  any  of  them. "  *-  A  more  explicit 
statement  of  the  authority  of  this  body  is  found  later  in 
the  same  document.  They  are  empowered  to  make  such 
statutes  for  the  government  of  the  Company  as  they  shall 
think  proper,  and  to  revoke  statutes  which  in  their  judg- 
ment are  unnecessary  or  hurtful  or  which  may  have  become 
obsolete.*^  They  are  definitely  authorized,  moreover,  to  pun- 
ish by  means  of  fines,  forfeitures,  and  imprisonments  any 
member  who  may  be  found  "  contrarious,  rebellious  or  dis- 
obedient" to  the  officials  of  the  Company  or  to  any  stat- 
utes that  have  been  passed.**  They  are  authorized  to 
"punish  every  such  offendor  or  offendors,  as  the  quality 
of  the  offence  requireth,  according  to  their  good  discre- 
tions. ' '  *^  That  this  power  was  actually  used  is  evidenced 
by  a  petition  of  a  certain  Thomas  Wynington  to  Sir  Fran- 
cis Walsingham  in  which  he  complains  that  having  come 
from  Moscow  to  London  to  make  complaint  of  one  Nor- 
then,  a  merchant,  he  had  been  imprisoned  at  the  instance 
of  the  ]\Iaster  (sic)  and  Governors  of  the  Company  of 
Moscovia.*® 

42Hakluyt,  II,  308. 

43  Ibid.,  II,   309. 

iilbid.,  II,  310. 

45 /bid.,   II,   311. 

46Cal.   S.   P.    (Domestic)    1547-1580,  p.  695. 


32  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

In  the  Governors,  Consuls  and  Assistants,  then,  the 
charter  vested  full  legislative,  judicial,  and  administrative 
power.  The  membership  itself  had  no  authority  of  its  own 
save  that  of  annually  electing  its  governing  board.  The 
only  explicit  limitation  on  the  power  of  this  board  was 
in  its  relations  to  the  government  which  gave  it  being  and 
to  the  municipality  in  whose  geographical  limits  it  found 
itself,  namely  the  English  government  and  the  city  of 
London.  The  charter  provides  that  the  Company's  stat- 
utes may  not  be  in  disagreement  with  the  "prerogative, 
lawes,  statutes  and  customes"  of  the  realm,  nor  contrary 
to  any  treaty  in  effect  between  the  English  government 
and  any  foreign  power.'*^  Nor  may  they  conflict  with  the 
authority  of  the  "corporation  of  the  Maior,  communal  ties 
and  Citizens"  of  the  city  of  London.*'^  In  the  third  place 
they  may  not  infringe  on  the  privileges  of  any  other  cor- 
poration.*^ Finally,  to  the  Governors,  Consuls  and  As- 
sistants Avas  delegated  the  duty  of  admitting  to  member- 
ship in  the  Company  "such  and  as  many  persons,  as  to 
them  shal  bee  thought  good,  meete,  convenient  and  neces- 
sarie."**  This  provision  of  the  charter,  arbitrary  as  it 
seems,  is  clearly  consistent  with  the  other  despotic  powers 
just  outlined.  No  qualifications  for  admission  are  men- 
tioned in  the  charter.  The  Company  is  self  perpetuating, 
but  only  through  the  action  of  its  governing  board. 

Besides  the  annual  meetings  at  which  the  election  of 
officers  took  place  no  other  regular  meetings  are  provided 
for  in  the  charter.  The  extensive  powers  delegated  to  the 
officials  would  suggest  that  frequent  meetings  of  the  whole 
membership  would  have  been  superfluous.  That  the  an- 
nual meetings  were  not  devoted  exclusively  to  the  busi- 
ness of  election,  however,  is  evidenced  by  a  record  of  in- 
structions given  in  1555  to  the  Company's  first  agents  by 

47HakIuyt,  IT.  311. 
islbid.,   11,   310. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  COMPANY  33 

"the  Governor  Consuls,  Assistants  and  whole  company  as- 
sembled this  day  in  open  court. ' '  *^  Similarly  in  1580  ar- 
ticles of  instruction  were  delivered  to  Arthur  Pet  and 
Charles  Jackraan  *'at  the  court  holden  at  Muscovy  House, 
17th  May  1580. '"^^ 

Of  the  times  of  meeting  of  the  governing  board  we  have 
no  definite  knowledge.  The  charter  provides  that  at  meet- 
ings of  this  body  fifteen  votes  shall  be  necessary  to  carry 
any  measure.^^  This  would  constitute  a  majority  if  there 
was  one  Governor,  half  of  the  board  if  there  were  two. 
It  is  further  provided  that  no  measure  can  be  passed  un- 
less there  be  present  at  the  meeting  one  Governor  and  two 
Consuls,  or,  in  the  absence  of  a  Governor,  three  Consuls.^^ 
This  plan  in  spite  of  its  apparent  complexity  must  have 
been  effective;  a  majority  vote  was  required  to  carry  a 
measure  and  no  motion  could  be  carried  in  the  absence 
of  a  majority  of  the  higher  officials. 

The  regular  place  of  meeting  for  the  Company  was 
known  as  Muscovy  House.  During  the  earlier  years  of 
the  Company's  existence  it  was  located  in  Seething  Lane. 
It  was  here  that  the  Russian  emissaries,  Twerdico  and 
Pogorella,  were  entertained  during  their  visit  of  1567- 
1568.  A  letter  from  Henry  Lane  to  Hakluyt  describes  this 
visit  and  makes  definite  reference  to  the  Company's  house 
' '  then  in  Seething  Lane, "  ^-  a  form  of  expression  which 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  at  the  date  of  writing  the  Com- 
pany's headquarters  were  no  longer  located  in  that  street. 
There  seems  to  be  no  way  of  ascertaining  the  time  of  re- 
moval, though  the  later  situation  can  be  determined  with 
a  tolerable  degree  of  precision  by  a  reference  in  an  inden- 
ture bearing  a  much  later  date.  This  document  fixes  the 
location   "in   the   parish  of   St.   Antholin   London  in  or 

49  Hakluyt,  II,  281. 

eoCal.  S.  P.   (Colonial)    1513-1616,  p.  61. 

51  Hakluyt,  II,  307. 

^2  Ibid.,  Ill,  99. 


34  THE  MUSCOVY  COIVIPANY 

neare  a  certayne  streete  since  the  .  .  .  late  dreadfull 
fire  in  London  called  &  knowne  by  the  name  of  Dukes 
street.'"' 

No  other  regular  officers  besides  those  already  mentioned 
are  provided  for  in  the  charter.  The  Company  is  empow- 
ered to  employ  "Sergeants"  for  the  purpose  of  collecting 
fines  and  enforcing  penalties  inflicted  by  the  governing 
body.^*  These  persons,  however,  were  servants  in  the  em- 
ploy of  the  Company,  not  officials  in  the  real  sense  of  the 
term.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  "Factors"  to  whom 
the  charter  also  makes  reference. ^^  As  a  matter  of  fact 
the  administration  of  the  Company's  affairs,  particularly 

^i  Husting  Roll  341,  29.  "This  Indenture  made  the  thirtieth  day 
of  March  in  the  two  and  twentieth  yeare  of  our  soveraigne  Lord 
Charles  the  Second  by  the  Grace  of  God  of  England,  Scotland,  ffrance 
and  Ireland,  being  defender  of  the  faith.  And  in  the  yeare  of  our 
Lord  God  1670.  Between  John  Seed  sonne  and  heire  of  John  Seed 
late  cittizen  and  haberdasher  of  London  deceased  and  Elizabeth 
his  wife  on  the  one  parte  and  William  Cooke  of  Cliffords  Inn  London 
gents  of  the  other  part  Witnesseth  that  the  said  John  Seed  &  Eliza- 
beth his  wife  for  and  in  consideration  of  the  sume  of  eleaven  hundred 
and  fifty  pounds  of  lawful!  money  of  England  to  him  the  said  John 
Seed  and  before  the  ensealing  &  delivorj'  of  theis  presents  by  the 
said  William  Cooke  paid  and  secured  to  be  paid  the  receipt  and 
security  whereof  the  said  John  Seed  &  Elizabeth  his  wife  doe  sev- 
erally and  respectively  hereby  acknowledge  have  and  either  of  them 
hath  granted  bargained  sold  aliened  enefeoffed  released  and  con- 
firmed and  by  theis  presents  doe  &  either  of  them  doth  absolutely 
grant  bargaine  sell  alien  enfeoffe  release  and  confirme  unto  the 
said  William  Cooke  his  heires  and  assignes  for  ever  in  his  actuall 
possession  now  being  by  virtue  of  an  Indenture  of  Lease  beareing 
date  the  day  before  the  date  of  theis  presents  from  the  said  John 
Seed  for  one  yeare  and  of  the  statute  for  transferring  uses  into 
possession  all  that  toft  peece  or  parcell  of  ground  ivliereon  that 
Capitall  mesuage  formerly  called  the  Muscovie  House  with  the  ap- 
purtenaces  formerly  stood  before  the  late  dreadfull  fire  in  London 
coniierted  into  severall  tenements  or  houses  scituate  lying  and  being 
in  the  parish  of  St.  Antholin  London  in  or  neare  a  certayne  streete 
since  the  said  late  dreadfull  fire  in  London  called  d-  knowne  by  the 
name  of  Dukes  streete,  and  also  all  that  toft  peece     .     .     ." 

54Hakluyt,  II,  312. 

55  Ibid.,  II,  314. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  COMPANY  35 

in  Russia,  necessitated  the  organization  of  a  whole  system 
of  employees  with  various  functions  and  powers.  These 
require  some  discussion  in  this  place. 

As  early  as  1555  the  Company  sent  Richard  Gray  and 
William  Killingworth  to  take  charge  of  its  interests  in 
Russia.  These  men  were  commissioned  "jointly  and  sev- 
erally to  be  Agents,  Factors,  and  Atturneis  general  and 
speciall,  for  the  whole  body  of  this  companie. "  ^'^  They 
were  authorized  to  do  all  the  buying  and  selling  for  the 
Companj^  in  Russia  and  to  supervise  the  work  of  all  the 
lesser  employees."  They  were  also  to  keep  careful  ac- 
counts of  the  Company's  dealings.^®  The  privileges 
granted  to  the  Company  by  the  Russian  government  in 
1555  specifically  grant  to  its  agents  the  right  of  govern- 
ing all  Englishmen  in  Russia :  *  *  Item,  we  give  and  graunt 
unto  the  saide  Marchants  and  their  successours,  that  such 
person  as  is,  or  shalbe  commended  unto  us,  our  heires  or 
successors  by  the  Governour,  Consuls  and  assistants  of 
the  said  fellowship  resient  within  the  citie  of  London 
within  the  realme  of  England,  to  be  their  chiefe  Factor 
within  this  our  empire  and  dominions,  may  and  shal  have 
ful  power  and  authoritie  to  governe  and  rule  all  English- 
men that  have  had,  or  shall  have  accesse,  or  repaire  in 
or  to  this  said  Empire  and  jurisdictions,  or  any  part 
thereof."^'' 

The  Company's  commercial  affairs  in  England  were  evi- 
dently in  the  charge  of  a  similar  agent.  The  presence  of 
the  regular  officials  in  London  rendered  unnecessary'"  the 
delegation  to  this  officer  of  any  such  plenary  powers  as 
had  of  necessity  to  be  exercised  by  their  representative 
in  Russia.  In  1575  Michael  Lok  held  the  position  of 
' '  Agent  in  London  for  the  Moscovie  company. ' '  ^*' 

56Hakluyt,  II,  281. 

57  Ibid.,  il,  283. 

5sihid.,  II,  284. 

59  Ibid.,  II,  300.  60  Ibid.,  Ill,  197. 


36  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

The  privileges  granted  by  Ivan  in  1555  definitely  au- 
thorized the  Company  to  ''name,  choose  and  assigne  brok- 
ers, shippers,  packers,  weighers,  measurers,  wagoners,  and 
all  other  meet  and  necessary  laborers  for  to  serve  them 
in  their  feat  of  marchandises. "  ^^  In  1557  we  find  evi- 
dences of  a  fast  increasing  body  of  workmen  of  various 
sorts  in  the  Company's  employ.  The  raw  hemp  sent  from 
Eussia  to  England  having  involved  heavy  charges  of  trans- 
portation, the  Company  decided  to  have  it  made  into  rope 
before  importing  it.  For  this  purpose  they  sent  to  the 
agents  in  Eussia  seven  rope-makers.  The  agents  are  di- 
rected to  assign  them  a  "principal  overseer  .  .  .  and 
also  to  furnish  them  .  .  .  with  labourers,  workemen 
and  stuffe. "  ^^  At  the  same  time  a  skinner  was  sent  ' '  to 
viewe  and  see  such  f urres  as  you  shall  cheape  or  buy. ' '  ^^ 
One  Leonard  Brian  was  also  appointed  to  attend  to  the 
cutting  of  certain  stores  of  yew  said  to  have  been  found 
in  Eussia."*  Two  coopers  sent  at  the  same  time  were  *'to 
make  in  a  readinesse  all  such  caske  as  shalbe  needful  for 
traine  oyle,  tallowe,  or  any  thing  else. ' ' "'  Ten  young 
men  **  that  be  bound  Prentises  to  the  Companie"  were 
sent  to  be  employed  in  whatever  capacity  the  agents  might 
think  best,  "some  to  keepe  accompts,  some  to  buy  and  sell 
by  your  order  and  commission,  and  some  to  send  abroad 
into  the  notable  Cities  of  the  Countrey  for  understanding 
and  knowledge. ' '  ®" 

Election  to  membership,  as  has  been  mentioned,  seems 
to  have  been  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  governing  board. 
Whether  confirmation  on  the  part  of  the  Company  was 
necessary  we  do  not  know.     An  oath  was  administered  to 

eiHakluyt,  II,  300. 
62/6id.,  II,  381. 
63  lUd.,  II,  382. 
eilbid.,  II,  387. 

65  Ibid. 

66  Ihid.,  II,  383. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  COMPANY  37 

all  persons  on  admission  to  membership .^^  The  member- 
ship in  1555  included  some  two  hundred  names,  the  list 
of  which  in  the  State  Papers  presents  several  points  of 
interest.*'®  The  grouping  is  as  follows: — There  is  first  a 
list  of  twenty-seven  names  which  evidently  represent  the 
interest  of  the  Court.  These  include  the  Lord  Treasurer, 
the  Lord  High  Admiral,  the  Lord  Chamberlain,  the  Con- 
troller, the  Vice-Chamberlain,  and  the  Master  of  the  Horse. 
In  this  same  group  we  find  the  name  of  Sir  "William  Cecil, 
a  charter  member  and  for  half  a  century  a  powerful  rep- 
resentative of  the  Company's  interests.  The  next  group 
contains  the  names  of  thirteen  Aldermen,  among  them  the 
name  of  a  woman,  Mrs.  IMargarett  Kyrtom.  Next  follows 
a  group  designated  as  ''Esquiers";  these  are  headed  by 
the  name  of  "Sebastian  Caboto"  and  include  several  names 
later  to  be  of  significance  in  the  Company's  affairs.  The 
eleven  "Esquiers"  are  followed  by  a  list  of  eight  "gen- 
tlemen." The  rest  of  the  document  consists  of  the  names 
of  the  other  members  of  the  Company  alphabetically  ar- 
ranged, oddly  enough,  according  to  the  first  letter  of  their 
first  names.  Two  more  women's  names  appear  in  the  list. 
No  such  complete  list  of  members  is  available  for  any 
other  year,  so  that  only  through  indirect  references  can 
we  secure  any  information  on  the  subject  of  changes  in 
the  personnel  of  the  Company.  It  is  of  interest  to  learn 
that  at  one  time  Sir  Francis  AValsingham  was  a  member,*'* 
also  that  Humphrey  Gilbert  in  a  letter  to  the  Queen  in 
1567  laid  claim  to  membership  in  the  Company  "for  dis- 
covery of  New  Trades. ' ' "'' 

Any  consideration  of  the  organization  of  the  Muscovy 
Company  necessarily  involves  some  discussion  of  the  way 

eiCal.  S.  p.    (Domestic)    1547-1580,  p.  432. 

08 MS.  in  the  State  Papers    (Domestic)    Addenda.  Vol.  VII,  No. 
39. 

69Hakluyt,  II,  109. 

70Cal.  S.  P.   (Colonial)    1513-1G16,  p.  6. 


/i'ZO'J"''^ 


38  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

in  which  it  carried  on  its  trading  activities.  Was  it  a 
Kegulated  Company  or  a  Joint  Stock?  We  must  be  on 
our  guard,  of  course,  against  trying  to  make  Elizabethan 
conditions  fit  modern  termus.  In  the  realm  of  commerce, 
as  well  as  in  government  and  religion,  the  Tudor  period 
was  largely  a  time  of  transition.  If,  therefore,  in  our 
discussion  we  employ  terms  that  have  acquired  in  modern 
times  a  specific  modern  connotation  it  will  be  necessary 
precisely  to  define  those  terms.  In  our  definition  we  will 
follow  the  lead  of  the  best  secondary  writers  on  the  sub- 
ject. By  a  Regulated  Trading  Company  is  meant  a  group 
of  persons  incorporated  by  charter,  enjoying  the  monop- 
oly of  a  certain  trade  as  individuals.'^^  None  but  members 
of  the  company  may  legally  engage  in  the  trade,  but  these 
members  do  so  as  individual  merchants  each  with  his  sep- 
arate capital.  Voluntary  and  temporary  combinations 
will,  of  course,  occur  with  more  or  less  frequency.  A 
Joint  Stock  Company,  on  the  other  hand,  engages  in  trade 
collectively,  each  member  owning  a  share  of  the  joint  stock 
and  receiving  a  proportionate  share  of  the  profits.  Sec- 
ondary writers,  with  singular  uniformity,  have  taken  the 
ground  that  the  Muscovy  Company  belonged  to  the  class 
of  Eegulated  Companies,"  a  position  which  an  examination 
of  contemporary  references  does  not  seem  to  justify. 

While  neither  of  the  two  charters  throws  direct  light 
on  the  subject  under  discussion,  a  significant  clause  in 
the  closing  section  of  the  Act  of  1566  is  hardly  to  be  in- 
terpreted on  any  other  supposition  than  that  of  a  Joint 
Stock.  This  section  extends  the  freedom  of  the  Company 
to  persons  of  York,  Newcastle,  Hull  and  Boston  who  have 
for  ten  years  continually  "traded  the  course  of  merchan- 
dise," on  condition  that  before  December  25,  1567,  they 

71  E.g.,  Cunningham,  Growth  of  English  lyidustry  and  Commerce, 
11,  215. 

72  It  is  SO  classified  by  Cunningham,  II,  239  ff. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  COMPANY  39 

"shal  contribute,  joyne,  and  put  in  stocke,  to,  with,  and 
amongst  the  said  company,  such  summe  and  summes  of 
money,  as  any  of  the  said  company,  which  hath  throughly 
continued  and  contributed  to  the  said  newe  trade,  from 
the  yeere  1552.  hath  done,  and  before  the  saide  25.  of 
December  1567.  shall  do  for  the  furniture  of  one  ordinary, 
full  and  intire  portion,  or  share."  ^^  This  certainly  is  open 
to  the  interpretation  that  a  merchant  of  the  towns  speci- 
fied might  join  the  Company  by  purchasing  a  share  of  its 
stock  and  paying  in  addition  all  assessments  which  had 
been  levied  since  the  beginning  of  the  trade.'^* 

Two  years  before  the  granting  of  this  second  charter  the 
Company  petitioned  the  Privy  Council  that  interlopers 
should  be  restrained  from  trading  with  Russia.  The  pe- 
tition mentions  the  great  loss  with  which  the  trade  had 
been  maintained  for  the  previous  twelve  years.  Then  fol- 
lows the  statement  that  the  petitioners  "are  forced  to  add 
60£  to  the  former  stock,  to  make  every  single  share  200£, 
but  finding  the  trade  to  the  Narve  attempted  by  William 
Bond,  they  are  so  discouraged  that  they  cannot  be  per- 
suaded to  increase  the  stock."  "  Obscure  as  this  statement 
undoubtedly  is  it  still  seems  to  point  clearly  to  some  sort 
of  Joint  Stock  arrangement.  Of  similar  tenor  but  scarcely 
less  ambiguous  is  a  letter  of  the  Company  to  their  agent 
Christopher  Holme  in  1591  in  which  he  is  told  that  the 
Company  "have  increased  his  venture  200£,  on  account  of 
his  having  obtained  encouragement  of  the  trade. ' '  ""^  Still 
more  significant  is  a  notice  to  the  same  agent  shortly  before 
in  which  he  is  directed  to  prevent  private  traffic. '^^ 

73Hakluyt,   III,   91. 

74  Macpherson  states  that  this  clause  in  favor  of  the  northern 
towns  was  due  to  the  fact  that  they  had  contributed  to  the  first 
attempt  for  a  northeast  passage,  but  he  cites  no  authority  for  the 
statement. — Macpherson,    I,    144. 

75Ca.l.   S.  P.    (Colonial)    1513-1616,  p.  4. 

76Cal.  S.  P.    (Domestic)    1591-1594,  p.  41. 

T!  Ibid.,  p.  30. 


40  THE  MUSCOVY  COIVIPANY 

On  June  25,  1569,  Thomas  Bannister  and  Geoffrey 
Duekett  writing  from  Russia  to  the  Privy  Council  on  the 
state  of  Russian  relations  and  the  affairs  of  the  Company 
mention  that  one  purpose  of  their  mission  was  "to  re- 
cover the  Company's  stock  out  of  their  factor's  hands."''* 
Later  in  their  letter  they  announce  that  the  Emperor  "has 
commanded  Thomas  Glover  to  deliver  up  the  Company's 
goods  in  his  hands." '^'^  Another  bit  of  evidence  in  the 
same  direction  is  to  be  found  in  a  letter  of  one  William 
Smith  written  from  Russia  in  1572  in  which  after  describ- 
ing certain  difficulties  he  had  experienced  in  the  Com- 
pany's service  he  says  "but  there  was  suche  matters  layd 
to  my  charge,  that  if  I  went  not  the  company's  stock  were 
lyke  all  to  be  loste. "  ^°  Evidently  the  Company  was  trad- 
ing as  a  collective  unit,  not  as  separate  individuals. 

Important  in  its  bearing  on  the  question  is  a  letter  to 
Robert  Cecil  written  November  20,  1595,  by  Francis 
Cherry,  the  Company's  agent  at  that  time.  Cherry  asks 
Cecil  to  use  his  influence  in  the  Company's  behalf  and 
reviews  its  recent  vicissitudes.  "I  thought  it  much  be- 
hooful  briefly  to  acquaint  you  with  the  present  state  of 
our  Company;  which  in  times  past  consisted  of  many  per- 
sons to  the  number  of  80,  and  somewhiles  more,  who 
traded  with  one  entire  and  common  stock     .     .     .     "  ^^ 

The  numerous  references  to  the  Company  buying  and 
selling  its  wares  constitute  an  important  part  of  the  evi- 
dence on  the  point  under  discussion.  The  agents  in  Russia 
represented  the  Company  there,  and  attended  to  matters 

78Cal.  S.  P.  (Foreign)   1569-1571,  p.  90. 
79Z6td.,  p.  91. 

80  Wright,  Queen  Elizaleth  and  Her  Times,  1,  419.  Wright  men- 
tions the  difficulty  of  identifying  the  writer  of  this  interesting  letter 
(p.  418,  note) .  It  is  probable  that  this  was  the  same  William  Smith 
who  was  in  the  Company's  employ  in  15G6,  and  whom  Arthur  Ed- 
wards mentions  as  "an  honest  yong  man,  and  one  that  doeth  good 
service  here." — Hakluyt,  III,  48. 

81  Hatfield   House  MSS.  V,   462. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  COMPANY  41 

of  trade  for  the  Company  as  a  whole.  In  1555  Gray  and 
Killingworth  were  appointed  "to  be  Agents,  Factors,  and 
Atturneis  generall  and  speciall,  for  the  whole  tody  of  this 
companie,  to  buy,  sel,  tnicke,  change  and  permute  al,  and 
every  kind  and  kindes  of  wares,  marchandizes  and  goods 
to  the  said  company  appertaining,  now  laden  &  shipped 
in  the  good  ship  called  the  Edward  Bonaventure,  appointed 
for  Russia,  the  same  to  utter  and  sell  to  the  best  com- 
moditie,  profit  and  advantage  of  the  said  corporation,  be 
it  for  ready  money,  wares  &  marchandises,  or  truck,  pres- 
ently, or  for  time,  as  occasion  &  benefit  of  the  companie 
shal  require:  and  all  such  wares  as  they  or  either  of  them 
shal  buy,  trueke,  or  provide,  or  cause  to  be  bought  for  the 
company  to  lade  them  homew^ard  in  good  order  and  con- 
dition, as  by  prudent  course  of  marchandises,  shall,  and 
ought  to  appertaine. ' '  ^-  The  fact  that  the  agents  were 
acting  for  the  Company  as  a  whole  is  made  still  more 
evident  by  their  further  authorization  ''to  binde  &  charge 
the  said  company  by  debt  for  wares  upon  credit,  as  good 
opportunitie  and  occasion  shall  serve,  with  power  to  charge 
and  bind  the  said  company,  and  their  successors,  for  the 
paiments  of  such  things  as  shalbe  taken  up  for  credite. "  ^' 
The  whole  tone  of  these  instructions  supports  our  con- 
tention for  a  joint  stock  basis.  For  instance  it  is  pro- 
vided that  "no  inferiour  minister  shall  take  upon  him  to 
make  any  bargaine  or  sale  of  any  wares,  marchandises  or 
goods,  but  by  the  Commission  and  Warrantise  of  the  sayde 
Agents  under  their  handes. ' '  ^*  Again,  the  agents  are  in- 
structed to  "learne  and  observe  all  kinde  of  wares,  as  wel 
naturals  as  forein,  that  be  beneficiall  for  this  Realme,  to 
he  sold  for  the  benefit  of  the  company,  and  what  kinde  of 
our  commodities  and  other  things  of  these  West  partes  bee 

82Hakluyt,  II,  281. 

83  Hid. 

84  75id.,  II,  284. 


42  THE  MUSCOVY  COIVIPANY 

most  vendible  in  those  Realmes  with  profite,  giving  a  per- 
fect advise  of  all  such  things  requisite."®*  Even  more 
significant  is  the  following  quotation:  "if  the  Emperour 
will  enter  into  bargain  with  you  for  the  whole  masse  of 
your  stock,  and  will  have  the  trade  of  it  to  utter  to  his 
owne  subjects,  then  debating  the  matter  prudently  among 
your  selves,  set  such  high  prises  of  your  commodities,  as 
you  may  assure  your  selves  to  be  gainers  in  your  owne 
wares,  and  yet  to  buy  theirs  at  such  base  prises,  as  you 
may  here  also  make  a  commoditie  and  gaine  at  home,  hav- 
ing in  your  mindes  the  notable  charges  that  the  companie 
have  diffrayed  in  advancing  this  voyage :  and  the  great 
charges  that  they  sustaine  dayly  in  wages,  victuals  and 
other  things. ' '  ^^ 

The  servants  of  the  Company  in  Russia  were  required 
to  take  a  solemn  oath  to  serve  the  Company  faithfully  and 
obey  its  agents.  The  oath  administered  to  them  ends  as 
follows:  "and  you  shall  not  directly  or  indirectly,  openly 
or  covertly  doe,  exercise  or  use  any  trade  or  feate  of  mar- 
ehandizes  for  your  owne  private  account,  commodity,  gaine 
or  profite,  or  for  the  account  of  or  for  any  other  person 
or  persons,  without  con.sent  or  licence  of  this  said  fellow- 
ship, first  obtained  in  writing.  And  if  you  shall  know  or 
understand  any  other  person  or  persons  to  use,  exercise 
or  doe  any  trade,  trafficke  or  feat  of  marchandise,  to  or 
for  his  or  their  own  account  or  accounts,  at  any  time  or 
times  hereafter,  that  then  ye  shall  truely  and  plainly  dis- 
close .  .  .  the  same  unto  this  said  fellowship,  with- 
out fraude,  colour,  covin  or  delay :  So  helpe  you  God, 
etc. ' '  ®°  Individual  merchants  were  evidently  not  to  re- 
ceive any  of  the  benefits  of  the  trade. 

All  the  correspondence  of  the  Companj'  with  its  agents 
in  Russia  seems  to  point  to  the  same  conclusion.     Expres- 

85Hakluyt,  II,   284. 
86/6id.,   II,  290. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  COMPANY     43 

sions  like  the  following  occur:  "the  companies  goods,  and 
that  under  their  marke, ' '  ^" — ' '  You  shall  receive,  .  .  . 
God  sending  them  in  safety  for  the  use  of  the  Company, 
these  kinds  of  wares  following,  all  marked  with  the  gen- 
eral marke  of  the  Company, ' '  ^^  etc.  The  letter  of  in- 
structions sent  in  1557  to  the  agents  in  Russia  refers  with 
unusual  definiteness  to  the  common  trade:  "Of  furres  we 
desire  no  great  plentie,  because  they  be  dead  wares.  And 
as  for  Felts,  we  will  in  no  wise  you  send  any.  .  .  .  We 
would  you  bought  as  much  Wexe  principally  as  you  may 
get. ' '  «^ 

In  1567  Robert  Glover,  an  agent  of  the  Company,  wrote 
home  about  their  affairs  in  Russia.  He  mentions  that  cer- 
tain English  merchants  were  selling  "better  cheap  Eng- 
lish commodities  than  the  company"  and  closes  his  letter 
with  the  statement  that  he  will  "seal  up  the  goods  of  the 
company  till  such  time  as  he  has  answer. ' '  ^'^  The  next 
year  when  Bannister  and  Duckett  were  sent  to  Russia 
by  the  Company  to  investigate  certain  charges  that  had 
been  made  we  find  them  writing  to  Cecil  that  they  "find 
the  estate  of  the  Company  to  stand  very  evil,  as  well  touch- 
ing their  accounts  as  also  with  the  Prince. ' '  "^ 

That  the  Company  not  only  traded  in  Russia  on  a  Joint 
Stock  basis,  but  sold  its  wares  in  England  on  the  same 
plan  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  the  English  government 
purchased  cordage  from  the  Company,  not  from  its  indi- 
vidual members.  Under  date  of  May  19,  1568,  we  have  a 
definite  record  of  articles  between  the  Queen  and  the  Mus- 
covy Company  in  which  the  Company  contracts  for  the 
delivery  of  "cables,  hawsers,  cordage  and  other  tacke  at 
Deptford  dockyard  to  the  value  of  4000£  8s  lOd.'"*^     All 

STlIakluyt,  II,   319. 

88  ibid.,  II,  3S0. 

60  Ibid.,  II,  381. 

»oCal.  S.  P.   (Foreign)    1566-1568,  p.  309. 

91  Ibid.,  p.  518.  02  Ibid.,  p.  462. 


44  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

the  references  to  the  relations  of  the  Company  to  the  gov- 
ernment tend  to  substantiate  this  idea.  The  government 
was  frequently  indebted  to  the  Company  for  goods  de- 
livered. In  1582  Walsingham  wrote  to  Burghley  that  the 
Muscovy  Company  request  payment  of  the  money  due  to 
them  for  wax  taken  these  two  years  past  for  the  use  of 
her  Majesty's  household."^ 

After  all,  perhaps  the  chief  argument  to  prove  that  the 
Muscovy  Company's  business  must  have  been  managed  on 
a  Joint  Stock  basis  is  to  be  found  in  the  physical  fact  of 
the  actual  distance  of  Russia  and  the  numerous  difficulties 
of  communication.  These  would  almost  inevitably  have 
rendered  impossible  any  extensive  trading  by  individual 
English  merchants.  The  other  alternative,  that  the  trade 
was  managed  through  a  succession  of  temporary  combina- 
tions of  members  of  the  Company,  while  in  itself  a  pos- 
sible supposition,  conflicts  with  most  of  the  references  just 
cited.  The  numerous  indications  of  the  whole  member- 
ship trading  as  a  single  group  contained  in  the  directions 
to  the  agents  and  in  the  references  to  the  government's 
dealings  with  the  Company  would  seem  absolutely  to  pre- 
clude this  possibility. 

"With  one  more  argument  we  shall  bring  this  portion 
of  our  discussion  to  a  close.  A  Joint  Stock  basis  is  the 
most  plausible,  if  not  the  only,  explanation  of  the  pres- 
ence of  a  group  of  noblemen  among  the  members.  These 
would  hardly  have  engaged  in  individual  trade.  That  they 
actually  derived  a  profit  from  their  membership  in  the 
Company  is  evidenced  by  a  letter  written  to  Lord  Burghley 
in  1568  by  Humphrey  Lok  and  John  Fenton.  They  write 
to  complain  of  the  Company's  oppressive  and  unjust  ac- 
tions but  add  significantly  that  they  "are  sorry  that  Cecil 
is  one  of  the  voyage,  for  where  in  three  or  four  years  he 
gains  one  hundred  pounds  he  sells  for  the  same  one  thou- 

»3Cal.  S.  P.  (Domestic)   1581-1590,  p.  75. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  COMPANY  45 

and  pounds  worth  of  honour. "  °*  In  those  days  as  in  our 
iwn  time  the  connection  of  government  officials  with 
srealthy  corporations  was  evidently  looked  at  askance. 

«4Cal.  S.  P.  (Foreign)   1566-15G8,  p.  4G3. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  ENGLISH   GOVERNMENT   AND   THE   COMPANY 

We  have  already  had  occasion  to  notice  the  close  con- 
nection between  the  English  government  and  the  iMuscovy 
Company.  This  connection  is  so  important  as  to  warrant 
separate  and  definite  consideration.  Our  discussion  of  the 
topic  will  fall  under  four  main  heads.  In  the  firet  place 
we  shall  need  to  examine  the  nature  and  extent  of  the 
privileges,  both  governmental  and  commercial,  granted  to 
the  Company  by  the  crown  and  by  Parliament.  In  the 
second  place  the  question  of  the  exportation  of  contra- 
band to  Russia  will  need  some  consideration  inasmuch  as 
this  question  necessarily  involves  the  relation  of  the  Gov- 
ernment to  the  only  authorized  carriers  of  merchandise  from 
England  to  the  dominions  of  the  Czar.  A  third  phase  of 
our  discussion  will  treat  of  the  Company's  part  in  the 
diplomatic  relations  between  the  two  nations.  Finally  we 
shall  devote  some  attention  to  the  commercial  dealings  of 
the  English  government  with  the  Muscovy  Company. 


1.  The  Government's  Grant  of  Privileges  to  the  Com- 
pany. 

The  letters  of  incorporation  of  1555  guaranteed  that  the 
Company  should  have  perpetual  succession.  This  furnishes 
a  decided  contrast  to  some  of  the  later  Companies  whose 
charters  set  definite  time  limits  to  the  pri\dleges  they  con- 
ferred.    The  same  clause  of  the  MuscoA-y^  Company's  char- 

46 


THE  ENGLISH  GOVERNMENT  47 

ter  authorizes  the  use  of  a  common  seal  and  provides  that 
the  Company  shall  be  forever  capable  in  law  to  purchase, 
possess,  grant  and  let  lands  and  other  possessions  to  the 
annual  value  of  one  hundred  marks.^  The  corporation  is 
further  given  the  right  "in  the  law  to  implead,  and  be 
impleaded,  to  answere,  and  to  be  answered,  to  defende, 
and  to  be  defended"  in  all  courts  in  cases  touching  the 
Company's  affairs,  ''in  as  ample  manner  and  forme,  as 
any  other  corporation  of  this  our  Realme  may  doe. ' '  ^ 

The  right  of  self  regulation  conferred  by  the  charter  and 
by  it  vested  in  the  Governors,  Consuls  and  Assistants  has 
been  referred  to  in  another  connection.^  The  only  limita- 
tion on  this  power  is  that  no  regulations  of  the  Company 
may  conflict  with  the  royal  prerogative,  statute  or  common 
law,  or  with  the  privileges  of  the  corporation  of  London 
or  of  any  other  corporation  established  by  royal  grant.* 
Otherwise  the  control  of  the  Company  over  the  affairs  of 
its  members  is  supreme.  This  right  of  self-regulation  is 
supplemented,  moreover,  by  the  guarantee  of  government 
assistance  in  the  carrying  out  of  its  decisions.  The  ser- 
geants appointed  by  the  Company  to  collect  fines,  for- 
feitures, etc.,  are  authorized  by  the  charter  to  seize  the 
property  and  person  of  offending  members  "in  every  place 
and  places  not  f ranchised. "  ^  If  the  offender  should  be 
in  any  "place  f ranchised  or  priviledged  where  the  said 
officer  or  officers  may  not  lawfully  intromit  or  intermid- 
dle"  (e.g.,  in  cities,  boroughs  or  "townes  incorporate")  the 
regular  officials  of  those  places  shall  seize  and  turn  over  to 
the  Company  the  offender's  goods  and  person,  formal  re- 
quest having  been  made  by  the  Governors,  Consuls  and 
Assistants  "under  the  common  scale. "^     Mayors,  sheriffs, 

iHakluyt,   II,   308. 

2  Ibid.,  II,  30!). 

3  Hupra,  pp.  31,  32. 
4HakluYt,  II.  311. 

5  Ibid.,  II,  312. 


48  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

bailiffs  or  other  officials  who  assist  the  Company  in  the 
manner  specified  "shall  not  be  impeached,  molested,  vexed 
or  sued  in  any  our  court  or  courts,  for  executing  or  put- 
ting in  execution  of  any  of  the  said  precept  or  precepts."® 

The  Company  is  authorized  to  send  its  vessels  on  voy- 
ages of  discovery  under  the  English  flag."'  Further  they 
may  take  possession,  in  the  name  of  the  English  govern- 
ment, of  any  "lands  of  infidelity,"  i.e.,  non-ChrLstian 
regions,  which  they  may  discover.'^  Formal  possession  is 
to  be  taken  by  planting  on  those  places  "our  banners, 
standards,  flags,  and  Ensignes."'^  The  natural  narrowing 
of  the  Company's  interest  to  the  Russian  trade,  and  the 
unsuccessful  outcome  of  their  attempts  at  further  explora- 
tion to  the  northeast  and  southeast  account  for  the  rela- 
tively slight  historical  importance  of  this  grant  of  the 
right  to  subjugate  distant  nations,  a  right  of  much  greater 
significance  in  the  history  of  some  of  the  later  trading  com- 
panies. 

The  Company's  trading  privileges  were  fully  as  exten- 
sive as  its  grant  of  jurisdiction.  The  Charter  of  1555 
granted  to  the  Company  the  right  to  trade  with  any  lands 
they  might  come  upon  in  their  voyages,  not  hitherto  fre- 
quented by  English  merchants,  "in  whatsoever  part  of  the 
world  they  be  situated."^  This  general  privilege  is  not, 
however,  in  the  nature  of  a  monopoly.  It  merely  extends 
to  the  Muscovy  Company  the  right  to  enjoy  any  new  trades 
that  it  may  discover. 

Exclusive  trading  privileges,  on  the  other  hand,  were 
granted  by  this  charter  so  far  as  the  trade  with  Russia 
was  concerned.  All  Englishmen  except  the  Company  and 
its  employees  were  forbidden  under  penalty  to  engage  in 
trade  with  that  country  save  by  express  license  granted 

eHakluyt,  II,   313. 
T  Ibid.,  il,  314. 
8/6id.,  II,  313. 


THE  ENGLISH  GOVERNMENT  49 

by  the  "Governour,  Consuls,  and  Assistants  of  the  said 
f elowship  and  communalty. "  ^  In  fact  the  wording  of 
the  provision  would  seem  to  imply  that  not  only  English 
merchants,  but  Englishmen  of  any  degree,  were  prohib- 
ited from  visiting  for  any  purpose  whatever,  except  by 
special  permission,  the  lands  of  whose  trade  the  Company 
enjoyed  the  monopoly.  At  least  this  restriction  would 
seem  to  arise  from  a  strict  interpretation  of  the  statement 
that  these  lands  "shall  not  be  visited,  frequented,  nor 
ban  ted  by  any  our  subjects,  other  then  of  the  sayd  com- 
pany and  felowship."^ 

Another  extensive  grant  of  commercial  privilege  was 
contained  in  the  sweeping  provision  of  the  charter  which 
delegated  to  the  Company  the  exclusive  right  to  trade  with 
any  lands  not  previous  to  that  time  frequented  by  English 
merchants  and  "lying  Northwards,  Northeastwards,  or 
Northwestwards. "  ^  In  regard  to  these  lands  the  same 
prohibition  was  to  apply  to  trade  by  other  Englishmen  as 
in  the  case  with  Russia.  Of  the  three  grants,  i.e.,  the  right 
to  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world  with  which  the  Com- 
pany might  establish  relations,  the  exclusive  right  to  trade 
with  Russia,  and  the  exclusive  right  to  trade  with  any 
other  northern  country  not  before  that  time  engaged  in 
commerce  with  England,  the  monopol}^  of  Russian  trade 
seems  to  have  appeared  of  most  practical  value  to  the 
Company  and  to  have  determined  in  the  main  the  field 
of  its  activities. 

The  alternate  successes  and  failures  of  Ivan  IV  in  his 
wars  with  his  neighbors  led  to  a  frequent  shift  of  Russian 
boundaries.  In  1554  the  conquest  of  Astrakhan  had  given 
Russia  a  port  on  the  Caspian.  It  was  this  outlet  toward 
the  south  that  suggested  to  the  Company  the  series  of 
efforts  to  establish  an  overland  trade  to  Cathay  and  to 
Persia  which  occupied  its  attention,  more  or  less  intermit- 

9Hakluyt,  II,  315. 


50  THE  MUSCOVY  COI^IPANY 

tently,  for  more  than  twenty  years.  In  1558  Anthony 
Jenkinson  secured  from  the  Czar  permission  to  open  a 
trade  with  the  far  south-east.  The  next  year  he  returned 
to  Moscow  from  his  first  Persian  voyage/"  having  demon- 
strated the  practicability  of  the  overland  route  to  that 
country. 

Another  change  in  the  geographical  limits  of  the  Com- 
pany's trading  interests  occurred  in  1558  when  Narva  fell 
into  Ivan's  hands,  thus  giving  Russia  an  outpost  on  the 
Baltic.  The  question  whether  the  privileges  of  the  Com- 
pany extended  to  a  port  which  had  not  been  part  of  the 
Czar's  dominions  at  the  time  the  charter  was  granted  was 
a  difficult  one.  English  merchants  who  were  not  mem- 
bers of  the  Company  claimed  the  right  of  trading  with 
Narva.     The  Company's  very  existence  was  threatened. 

The  Act  of  1566  settled  definitely  and  finally  the  ques- 
tion of  the  Company's  exclusive  right  to  the  trade  with 
Narva,  and  the  further  question  of  the  Company's  monop- 
oly of  the  overland  trade  with  Persia.  As  to  the  latter, 
the  act  specifically  adds  "the  countries  of  Armenia  major 
or  minor.  Media,  Hyrcania,  Persia,"  and  the  Caspian  sea 
to  the  list  of  places  not  to  be  visited  by  any  Englishmen 
except  with  the  Company's  consent."  This  was  a  specific 
enlargement  of  the  original  grant,  which  could  not  in  any 
way  be  construed  to  include  a  monopoly  of  a  trade  with 
southwestern  Asia, 

It  is  held  by  most  writers  on  the  subject  that  to  the  Act 
of  1566  the  Company  also  owed  its  exclusive  right  to  the 
trade  with  Narva.^-  The  great  trouble  caused  by  mer- 
chants not   of  the   Company   trading  with  Narv'a  before 

10  Jenkinson's  account  of  this  interesting  trip  is  in  Hakluyt,  II, 
p.  449  ff. 

11  Hakluyt,  III,  88. 

12  Wheeler,  Treatise  of  Commerce,  p.  55.  Wheeler  is  followed  by 
Cunningham,  II,  239,  and  by  modern  writers  generally.  Cf.  Stahlin, 
"Francis  Walsingham   und   seine   Zeit,"  I,    196. 


THE  ENGLISH  GOVERN]\IENT  51 

the  grant  of  the  second  charter  and  the  specific  mention 
of  Narva  in  that  charter  indicate,  it  is  contended,  that 
the  Charter  of  1555  did  not  of  its  own  force  extend  the 
rights  of  the  Company  to  the  Baltic  port  when  that  region 
became  Russian  territory.  The  facts  of  the  case,  however, 
point  to  a  different  conclusion  and  merit  brief  considera- 
tion in  this  place. 

The  grant  to  the  Company  of  the  exclusive  right  to 
trade  Math  any  lands  to  the  north,  northwest  or  northeast 
with  which  they  should  establish  relations  must  clearly 
have  included  Narva,  for  up  to  1560  English  merchants 
had  not  engaged  in  trade  with  that  port.^^  Beginning  in 
that  year  individual  Englishmen  trading  independently 
with  Russia  by  way  of  its  town  on  the  Baltic  struck  a 
blow  at  the  Company's  dearest  privilege.  In  November, 
1564,  the  Company  made  formal  complaint  to  the  Privy 
Council  asking  that  "William  Bond  and  his  partners  be 
restrained  from  trading  "wdth  the  Narve. ' '  ^*  This  peti- 
tion was  not  a  request  for  an  extension  of  the  Company's 
privilege,  but  an  appeal  for  the  enforcement  of  its 
monopoly. 

Wheeler  in  his  "Treatise  of  Commerce,"  1601,  takes 
the  ground  that  the  Act  of  1566  by  its  mention  of  Narva 
specifically  enlarged  the  scope  of  the  Company's  exclusive 
privilege.  He  cites  Narva  prior  to  the  date  of  the  second 
charter  as  an  instance  of  the  evils  of  unregulated  trade 
competition.  "In  the  yere  1565,"  he  says,  "a  number 
of  stragling  merchants  resorting  thither  out  of  this  Realme, 
the  trade  was  utterly  spoiled,  .  .  .  which  being  made 
knowne  to  her  iMaiestie,  and  her  Highnes  right  Honour- 
able privie  Counsel!,  order  was  taken  at  the  next  Parlia- 

isHakluyt,  III,  335.— "And  at  this  time  (1560)  was  the  first 
traffic  to  tlie  Narve  in  Livonia  .  .  .  this  trade  to  the  Narve 
was  hitherto  concealed  from  us  by  the  Danskers  and  Lubeckers." 

i*Cal.  S.  P.    (Colonial)    1513-1616,  p.  4. 


52  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

ment,  that  the  Towne  of  Narue  should  be  comprized 
within  the  Charter  of  the  Muscovie  Company,  to  prevent 
the  like  pedlarlike  kinde  of  dealing  ever  after. ' '  ^^  Sec- 
ondary writers  from  that  time  forward  seem  to  have  taken 
the  ground  that  the  including  of  Narva  in  the  second 
charter  implied  an  additional  grant  of  privilege.  Careful 
reading  of  the  first  charter,  however,  leads  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  provision  referring  to  Narva  in  the  Act  of  1566 
must  be  construed  as  a  mere  emphasis  of  a  privilege  con- 
cerning which  there  had  been  some  controversy  and  con- 
siderable difficulty  of  enforcement.  As  we  shall  see,  even 
this  reiteration  failed  to  secure  to  the  Company  the  en- 
joyment of  its  exclusive  right  in  the  Baltic. 

An  interesting  and  conclusive  bit  of  evidence  on  the 
point  under  consideration  is  to  be  found  in  the  case  of 
an  interloper  sued  in  the  Court  of  Admiralty  under  date 
of  1572.  The  defendant  had  traded  -with  Narva  without 
the  consent  of  the  Company.  The  verdict  of  the  court 
was  against  him.  The  fact  of  significance,  however,  is 
that  the  court  cited  the  first  Charter  of  1555  as  the  basis 
of  its  decision.^'' 

The  matter  of  interlopers  was  one  of  the  most  serious 
difficulties  of  the  Company  and  one  which  must  have  fre- 
quently brought  it  into  direct  relation  with  the  English 
government.  Both  charters  definitely  prohibit  English- 
men not  of  the  Company  from  engaging  in  trade  with  Rus- 
sia.^^  The  penalty  for  this  offense  is  forfeiture  of  ship  and 
cargo,  "the  one  halfe  of  the  same  forfeiture  to  be  to  the 
use  of  us,  our  heires,  and  successors,  and  the  other  halfe  to 

15  Wheeler,  Treatise  of  Commerce,  p.  55. 

^^  Select  Cases  in  the  Court  of  Admiralty,  p.  149.  In  this  deci- 
sion the  company  is  referred  to  by  the  name  given  it  in  its  first 
charter.  The  document  contains  a  recital  of  the  letters  patent 
from  Philip  and  IMary  granting  monopoly  of  trade  to  Russia  with 
prohibition  of  interlopers  upon  pain  of  forfeiture  of  ship  and  cargo. 

iTHakluyt,  II,  315;  III,  88. 


THE  ENGLISH  GOVERNMENT  53 

be  to  the  use  of  the  sayd  fellowship  and  ciimmunaltie. "  ^^ 
Suit  may  be  brought  against  offenders  either  by  the  crown 
or  by  the  Company  "in  any  court  of  Record,  or  in  any 
other  Court  or  courtes  within  this  Realme,  or  els  where,  by 
Action  of  debt,  action  of  detinue,  bill,  plaint,  information, 
or  otherwise:  in  which  suite  no  essoine,  protection,  wager 
of  lawe,  or  injunction  shall  be  allowed,  for,  or  on  the  be- 
halfe  of  the  partie  or  parties  defendant. ' '  "  The  Charter 
of  1566  makes  special  provision  that  persons  not  of  the 
Company  who  had  unlawfully  engaged  in  the  trade  to 
the  Company's  lands  shall  not  be  impeached  for  past  of- 
fenses, and  such  persons  are  given  until  June  29,  1568,  to 
bring  their  goods  and  ships  back  to  England.-''  That  the 
government  actually  carried  out  the  provisions  against  in- 
terlopers is  indicated  by  the  typical  admiralty  case  cited 
above. 

An  interesting  restriction  of  the  Charter  of  1566  pro- 
vides that  only  English  vessels,  "sailed  for  the  most  part 
with  English  mariners,"  shall  be  used  by  the  Company  in 
the  exportation  of  its  g(X)ds  and  in  the  carrying  of  mer- 
chandise "from  their  saide  new  trade"  into  England  or 
into  Flanders.-^  The  penalty  prescribed  for  each  infringe- 
ment of  this  ruling  is  a  fine  of  200£,  one-half  to  go  to  the 
crown  and  the  rest  to  be  used  for  the  repair  of  harbors  of 
any  port  town  that  "will  sue  for  the  same  in  any  Court 
of  Record.  "^^  That  this  provision  was  carefully  observed 
is  evidenced  by  a  memorial  of  the  Company  under  date  of 
May,  1576,  in  which  they  explain  that  "having  great  store 
of  wares  lying  at  the  Narve  in  great  danger,  they  were 
forced  to  hire  three  Liibeckers'  vessels  to  transport  the 
same,    and    request   license    to    bring   the    same    into    the 

isHakluyt,  II,  315;   III,  88. 

19  Ihid.,  ill,  88. 

20  Ibid.,  Ill,   89. 

21  Ibid.,   Ill,  90. 


54  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

realm.  "-^  Another  prohibitive  restriction  in  the  same 
charter  forbids  the  exportation  of  any  "clothes  or  karsies" 
before  the  same  shall  be  ' '  all  dressed  and  for  the  most  part 
died  within  this  Realm,  upon  paine  of  forfeiture  for  every 
such  cloth  and  karsie  .  .  .  five  pounds,"  half  to  go 
to  the  crown  and  the  rest  to  the  "Master  and  Clothwork- 
ers  in  the  Citie  of  London. ' '  -^ 

Finally,  the  second  charter  provides  that  if  at  any  time 
the  Company  shall  "willingly  withdraw,  and  discontinue 
wholy  by  the  space  of  three  yeers  in  time  of  peace"  their 
trade  with  Russia,  it  shall  be  lawful  during  that  interval  "* 
for  all  English  subjects  to  engage  in  trade  with  that  coun- 
try, only,  however,  by  way  of  Narva  and  only  in  English 
ships.^^ 


2.     The  Exportation  of  Contraband. 

One  of  the  chief  motives  that  led  Russia  to  establish  re- 
lations with  England  was  her  need  for  the  implements  of 
western  civilization  in  her  struggle  \vdth  the  powers  on  the 
Baltic.  To  secure  an  alliance  with  a  member  of  the  Eu- 
ropean family  of  nations,  she  was  willing  to  go  to  great 
lengths  in  the  direction  of  granting  extensive  commercial 
privileges.  After  the  accession  of  Elizabeth  in  1558  the 
isolation  of  England  was  in  many  respects  analogous  to 
that  of  Russia,  and  would  at  first  glance  seem  to  suggest 
that  the  English  government  would  feel  the  need  of  firm 
friendships  fully  as  much  as  the  distant  Czar.  It  must  be 
remembered,  on  the  other  hand,  that  offensive  and  defen- 

22Cal.  S.  P.    (Domestic)    1547-1580,  p.  523. 
23Hakluyt,   III,    90. 

24  This  clause  is  not  very  clear.  The  words  of  the  charter  are, 
"during  the  time  of  any  such  discontinuance  and  withdrawing." 

25  Hakluyt,  III,  91. 


THE  ENGLISH  GOVERNMENT  55 

sive  alliances  were  entirely  at  variance  with  Elizabethan 
policy.  England,  moreover,  would  have  little  to  gain  and 
much  to  lose  in  making  Russia's  quarrels  her  own.  At 
the  same  time  her  commercial  interests  forbade  any  break 
in  the  newly  established  Russian  relations  and  brought 
about  a  willingness  to  perform  unofficial  acts  of  friend- 
ship wherever  they  could  be  indulged  in  without  serious 
risk.  This  sufficiently  explains  the  exportation  of  muni- 
tions of  war  to  Russia.  The  Muscovy  Company  were  the 
authorized  carriers  of  whatever  English  merchandise 
reached  the  White  Sea  and  Narva. 

At  the  time  of  Osep  Napea's  embassy  to  England  (1557) 
the  Venetian  ambassador  in  a  letter  to  the  Doge  and  Sen- 
ate said,  ' '  There  is  now  here  an  ambassador  from  the  Mus- 
covites who  demands  a  loan  of  ammunition  and  artillery, 
his  lord  being  at  war,  and  subsequently  another  ambassa- 
dor arrived  from  the  King  of  Sweeden  to  prevent  the 
grant  of  this  demand  .  .  .  ;  but  their  majesties  here 
have  not  yet  formed  any  decision. ' '  -^  The  English  reply 
to  Ivan's  requests,  whatever  they  may  have  been,  was  en- 
tirely favorable.  Napea  carried  back  a  letter  from  Philip 
and  ]Maiy  promising  advantages  to  Russian  merchants  if 
they  should  come  to  England.-'  While  the  letter  makes  no 
specific  reference  to  the  sending  of  munitions  it  does  con- 
tain a  significant  statement  that  all  Ivan's  requests  have 
been  granted  ("Omnia  libenter  concessimus  que  ad  vestram 
expectationem  et  peticionem  pertinebant. ")  ^*  It  specific- 
ally promises,  moreover,  that  English  artificers  will  be  at 
liberty  to  go  to  Russia  ("Placet  etiam  nobis  vt  mercatores 
et  artifices  regni  nostri  si  qui  volent  in  vestre  ditionis 
urbes  et  loea  proficiscantur  bona  cum  venia  et  fauore. ")  ^* 

26Cal.  S.  P.    (Venetian)    1556-1557,  p.   1005. 

27  Tolstoy,  p.  13.  Minut  to  the  Emperor  of  Russia  from  queene 
Mary  concerning   the  priuileges  of  the  marchants. 

28  Tolstoy,  p.   13. 
28 /bid.,  p.   14. 


56  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

Suspicion  that  England  was  sending  assistance  to  "the 
Muscovite"  soon  found  expression  in  the  various  countries 
interested.  In  1558  Thomas  Alcock  traveling  through 
Poland  on  the  Company's  service  was  seized  as  a  spy. 
Mary  wrote  to  King  Sigismund  in  July  demanding  his  re- 
lease.^°  In  a  letter  to  Richard  Gray  and  Henry  Lane,  at 
that  time  agents  for  the  Company  in  Russia,  lie  gives  an 
account  of  the  questions  that  were  put  to  him  in  the  course 
of  his  examination.  "Then  he  demanded  of  mee,"  writes 
Alcock,  "what  wares  wee  brought  into  Russia,  and  what 
wee  carried  from  thence.  I  declared  the  same  unto  them. 
Then  they  burdened  mee,  that  wee  brought  thither  thou- 
sandes  of  ordinance,  as  also  of  hameis,  swordes,  with  other 
munitions  of  warre,  artificers,  copper,  vvdth  many  other 
things. ' '  ^^ 

After  the  accession  of  Elizabeth  the  suspicion  incurred 
by  ]\Iary  of  secretly  aiding  Ivan  in  his  struggle  against  his 
neighbors  continued  to  fall  with  undiminished  force  upon 
the  English  government.  On  August  17,  1559,  the  Em- 
peror Ferdinand  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Queen  in  which 
he  speaks  of  the  danger  to  Christendom  if  Ivan  should  get 
possession  of  Livonia.  "If  he  shall  conquer  the  Livonians 
he  will  not  be  content,  but  will  turn  liis  arms  against  the 
Queen  and  other  Christian  Princes;  but  if  the  Livonians, 
who  act  as  a  sort  of  bulwark,  are  helped  to  repulse  him 
.  .  .  there  will  be  no  danger  of  such  a  calamity. ' '  ^^ 
Elizabeth  is  invited  to  join  in  the  league  against  Russia. 

Two  years  later  the  German  emperor  made  the  Livonian 
disorders  the  subject  of  another  letter  to  the  English 
Queen.  This  time  she  is  not  asked  to  join  any  anti-Rus- 
sian alliance,  an  evident  recognition  of  the  futility  of  that 

30  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  13th  Report,  app.  part  II,  p.  10  (Portland 
MSS.). 

3iHakluyt,   II,   399. 

32Cal.  S.  P.   (Foreign)    1558-1559,  p.  484. 


THE  ENGLISH  GOVERN]\IENT  57 

request.  The  letter  makes  specific  reference,  however,  to 
the  subject  of  contraband:  "The  Muscovites  are  greatly 
encouraged  by  obtaining  from  abroad  such  war-like  stores 
as  they  lack,  viz.,  guns,  shot,  powder,  nitre,  sulphur,  lead, 
iron  and  the  like,  provisions,  especially  salt  and  herrings, 
various  goods,  as  silks  and  cloth;  they  have  also  obtained 
artizans  and  men  skilled  in  war-like  matters.  He  .  ,  . 
begs  her  to  see  that  none  of  her  subjects  go  into  Muscovy, 
and  most  especially  that  none  transport  stores  to  that 
country. ' '  ^^ 

At  about  the  same  time  a  similar  complaint  was  made  by 
the  Senate  of  Hamburg  ^*  and  by  the  Senate  of  Cologne.^" 
In  a  letter  to  Elizabeth  from  the  former  city  under  date 
of  April  14,  1561,  the  statement  is  made  that  certain  large 
quantities  of  armor  and  cannon  shipped  from  their  port 
are  said  to  be  intended  for  the  Russians  in  their  war 
against  the  Livonians,  which  is  in  contravention  of  the  Im- 
perial decree.  The  vessel  has  been  stayed  until  they  can 
hear  from  Elizal)eth  that  these  arms  are  for  her  own  use. 

That  the  idea  that  England  was  assisting  Ivan  with 
supplies  had  gained  credence  in  the  lands  about  the  Bal- 
tic and  North  Seas  is  further  evidenced  by  a  letter  writ- 
ten to  Cecil  from  Antwerp,  July  11,  1561,  by  his  secretary. 
W.  Herlle.  The  writer  says,  "  ...  The  rumour  of 
the  Queen  having  transported  armour  into  Russia  is  very 
brym  (.sic)  here;  and  it  is  told  to  all  the  Princes  of  Ger- 
many that  the  losing  of  Livonia  is  through  the  furniture 
of  ammunition  which  the  English  sent  to  the  Russians."^® 

To  these  various  charges  Elizabeth  responded  by  a 
prompt  denial.  In  answer  to  the  Emperor's  demand  that 
she  prohibit  intercourse  with  Russia  she  promised  to  pre- 
vent the  export  of  war  material  or  supplies,  but  added  that 

33Cal.  S.  P.   (Foreign)   1561-1562,  p.  126. 
Si  Ibid.,  p.  59. 
35  Ibid.,  p.  90. 
3c/6irf.,  p.  174. 


58  THE  MUSCOVY  COIVIPANY 

she  must  allow  her  merchants  to  trade  in  skins.^^  To  the 
Senate  of  Hamburg  she  sent  the  assurance  "on  her  royal 
word"  that  "all  the  arms  and  munitions  shipped  in  her 
name  from  Hamburg  are  intended  solely  for  the  defence 
of  her  realm. ' '  ^^  She  further  expressed  the  desire  that 
the  author  of  the  rumor  that  they  were  intended  for  the 
Muscovites  might  be  sought  out  and  punished,  and  that 
the  import  of  her  letter  might  be  widely  made  known.^^ 

In  fact  Elizabeth  seems  to  have  felt  very  strongly  that 
public  repudiation  of  the  charge  of  sanctioning  the  send- 
ing of  contraband  to  Russia  should  be  made  promptly  and 
emphatically.  On  June  28,  1561,  she  wrote  to  Cecil  in 
reference  to  the  injurious  reports  that  armor  was  being 
conveyed  from  England  to  Muscovy  and  asked  that  strict 
orders  be  given  that  no  sort  of  armor  or  artillery  be 
transported  out  of  the  realm.^^  Accordingly,  on  July  8, 
a  royal  proclamation  was  issued  prohibiting  the  transporta- 
tion of  armor  into  Russia,  "or  to  any  other  place  in  war 
with  any  nation  in  Christendom,"  and  boldly  asserting 
that  the  rumor  that  the  Queen  had  caused  arms  to  be 
made  in  Germany  and  transported  into  Russia  was  "false, 
vain,  and  malicious. ' '  *" 

Denial  and  proclamation  notwithstanding,  the  com- 
plaints continued.  Formal  protest  was  made  by  the  Dan- 
ish ambassador  in  1565,*^  and  reply  made  that  "as  not  past 
two  or  three  vessels  go  yearly  to  Muscovy,  it  will  be  easy 
to  give  order  that  no  armor  or  victual  be  put  into  them 
but  such  as  shall  be  necessary  for  their  navigation."*" 
In  1568  the  King  of  Poland  wrote  to  Elizabeth  that  he 
had  "interdicted   all  commerce  with  his  enemy  of  Mus- 

37Cal.  Clarendon  MSS.    (Bodl.)    Addenda,  No.  92. 
ssCal.  S.  P.    (Foreign)    1561-1562,  p.   102. 
39Cal.   S.  P.    (Domestic)    1547-1580,  p.   178. 
40Cal.  S.  P.    (Foreign)    1561-1562,  p.   171. 
4iCal.  S.  P.   (Foreign)    1564-1565,  p.  279. 
42  Ibid. 


THE  ENGLISH  GOVERN^IENT  59 

covy,  and  placed  vessels  to  seize  all  ships  doing  so,  which 
he  has  commanded  to  be  impounded  together  with  their 
cargoes. ' '  *^ 

That  assistance  was  actually  given  to  Ivan  by  the  send- 
ing of  supplies  from  England  is  indicated  by  Anthony 
Jenkinson's  account  of  his  embassy  to  Russia  in  1572.  In 
reminding  the  Czar  of  hLs  obligations  to  England  he  said, 
"And  since  the  first  time  of  their  traffiking  in  thy  Majes- 
ties dominions,  which  is  now  nineteene  yeres,  the  said 
merchants  have  bene,  and  are  alwayes  ready  and  willing 
truely  to  serve  thy  highnesse  of  all  things  meete  for  thy 
Treasurie,  in  time  of  peace  and  of  w^arre  in  despite  of  all 
thy  enemies  .  .  .  and  have  brought,  and  do  bring 
from  time  to  time  such  commoditie  to  thee,  Lord,  as  her 
Majestic  doeth  not  suffer  to  be  transported  foorth  of  her 
Realme  to  no  other  Prince  of  the  world. ' '  **  Later  refer- 
ences are  even  more  explicit  and  leave  no  doubt  whatever 
as  to  the  fact.  Giles  Fletcher,  ambassador  to  Russia  in 
1588,  specifically  refers  to  the  fact  that  the  Queen  and  the 
Company  had  for  many  years  served  the  emperor  "with 
necessarie  commodities  for  his  wears. ' '  *^ 

In  regard  to  the  sending  of  English  workmen  to  Russia 
the  evidence  is  also  conclusive.  We  have  already  seen  that 
Queen  Mary  in  1557  had  explicitly  granted  Ivan's  re- 
quest for  English  artificers.  Ten  years  later  the  Czar 
demanded  that  "the  Q-s  ma-tie  would  lycence  maisters  to 
come  unto  him  which  can  make  shippes,  and  sayle 
them. ' '  *®  That  Englishmen  were  ready  to  take  advantage 
of  opportunities  in  Russia  is  shown  by  a  letter  wTitten 

43Cal.  S.  P.    (Foreign)    1566-1568,   p.  424. 
44Hakluyt,  III,  177. 

45  Fletcher's  account  of  his  embassy  in  Russia  at  the  Close  of  the 
Sixteenth  Century.     Appendix  IV,  pp.  347-348. 

46  Tolstoy,  p.  38.  Antho.  Jenkinson's  message  done  to  the  Q. 
Matte  from  the  Emperor  of  Moscouia. 


60  THE  MUSCOVY  COIVIPANY 

from  Russia  in  1572.  The  writer,*''  after  complaining  of 
the  difficulties  and  dangers  incurred  in  the  service  of  the 
Company,  says,  "I  could  have  had  fifty  robulls  a  year,  and 
meat  and  drink,  to  have  served  the  Emperor. ' '  *^  He  goes 
on  to  explain  that  "There  is  as  good  as  a  sixteen  Englishe 
maryners  at  the  Narve,  which  dothe  serve,  and  hathe  good 
entertaynment :  he  that  is  worst  hathe  thirty  robulls  a  year, 
and  fifteen  d.  a  daye  besides,  to  find  him  meat  and  drink, 
and  a  house  they  have  every  man  at  the  Emperor's 
charges."*^  In  the  case  of  men  as  in  that  of  munitions 
there  can  be  little  doubt  of  the  friendly  cooperation  of 
the  English  government  as  well  as  of  the  Company. 


3.     The  Company's  Part  in  Diplomatic  Relations. 

It  is  very  difficult  to  make  a  sharp  distinction  between 
the  Muscovy  Company's  activities  in  its  attempts  to  main- 
tain and  enlarge  its  commercial  privileges  in  Russia,  and 
the  diplomatic  activities  of  the  English  government  which 
frequently  had  the  same  object.  The  interests  of  the  Gov- 
ernment and  of  the  Company,  so  far  as  Russian  relations 
were  concerned,  were  identical :  both  desired  the  protec- 
tion and  extension  of  English  mercantile  rights.  It  was 
natural,  therefore,  that  the  Company's  agents  should  for 
the  most  part  have  been  entrusted  with  the  management 
of  diplomatic  relations  with  the  Czar,  and  that  special  am- 
bassadors from  the  English  court  should  have  been  sent 
seldom  and  only  on  the  occasion  of  some  serious  danger 
to  the  Company's  commercial  privileges. 

From  the  Russian  point  of  view,  however,  there  was  no 
such  identity  of  mercantile  and  political  interests.     From 

47  I.e.,  William  Smith.     Cf.  supra,  p.  39,  note. 

48  Wright,  Queen  Elizabeth  and  Her  Times,  II,  p.  420. 


THE  ENGLISH  GOVERNMENT  61 

the  first  Ivan  desired  a  firm  league  of  amity  with  Eng- 
land. As  we  have  seen  he  had  great  need  of  English  arms 
and  munitions  and  of  English  workmen.  Later  he  made 
offers  of  marriage  with  a  kinswoman  of  Elizabeth's. 
These  were  obviously  matters  that  involved  a  direct  rela- 
tion to  the  English  government.  Special  embassies  were 
consequently  sent  to  England  from  time  to  time  to  treat 
directly  with  the  English  sovereign  and  her  ministers. 
Osep  Napea,  of  whose  visit  in  1557  we  have  already  had 
occasion  to  speak,  was  the  first  of  these.  Other  embassies 
were  sent  by  the  Czar  in  1569,  1582,  and  again  in  1600. 

The  Company's  part  in  the  diplomatic  activities  of  the 
two  countries  can  best  be  considered  under  three  heads : — 
(1)  the  Company's  agents  as  ambassadors,  (2)  the  Com- 
pany's relation  to  special  ambassadors  sent  to  Rus.sia,  and 
(3)  the  Company's  relation  to  the  ambassadors  sent  by 
the  Czar  to  England. 

To  the  extent  that  the  agents  of  the  Muscovy  Company 
treated  with  the  Russian  government  as  official  representa- 
tives of  the  English  sovereign  we  may  be  justified  in  con- 
sidering them  as  diplomatic  agents.  Chancellor  may  be 
said  to  have  been  acting  in  this  capacity  when  in  1553  he 
presented  to  the  Czar  the  letter  of  Edward  VI  "to  all 
Kings,  Princes,  Rulers,  etc.,"  and  when  he  brought  Ivan's 
reply  back  to  England  the  following  year.  The  same  may 
be  said  of  his  mission  in  1555  when  with  Killing^vorth  and 
Gray  he  bore  the  official  letters  of  Philip  and  Mary  to  the 
Czar.*« 

In  1557  Anthony  Jenkinson,  who  had  taken  service  with 
the  Company  for  four  years  at  an  annual  salary  of  40£,^° 
was  captain  of  the  vessel  that  carried  Napea  back  to  Rus- 
sia.^^     In  1561  Jenkinson  once  more  left  England  for  Rus- 

49  Hakluyt,  II,  278  ff. 
so  Ibid.,  il,  390. 
51  Ibid.,  II,  413. 


62  THE  MUSCOVY  CO]\IPANY 

sia  and  Persia,  this  time  carrying  not  only  instructions 
from  the  Company  ^~  but  also  letters  from  Queen  Eliza- 
beth to  the  Czar"  and  to  the  ''great  Sophy  of  Persia."^* 
That  on  this  occasion  the  English  government  considered 
him  its  official  representative  is  clearly  indicated  by  the 
wording  of  the  letter  to  Ivan  in  which  Elizabeth,  asking 
for  the  same  consideration  that  had  been  accorded  to 
Jenkinson  on  his  previous  visit,  says,  "And  we  doubt  not 
but  that  at  our  request,  you  will  againe  graciously  shew 
unto  the  same  Anthony,  now  admitted  into  our  serAdce, 
the  like  favor  as  heretofore  Your  Majesty  of  your  meere 
motion  did  exhibite  unto  him,  being  then  a  private  per- 
son. ' '  ^^  The  same  double  function  is  evident  in  Jenkin- 
son's  mission  of  1566  when  he  represented  both  the  Com- 
pany and  the  Queen.  This  time  detailed  instructions  were 
framed  by  the  Company  and,  at  their  request,^®  officially 
given  to  Jenkinson  by  the  Queen.  The  commercial  phase 
of  his  activities  is  shown  by  the  extensive  privileges  he 
secured  for  the  Company  at  this  time.^^  The  diplomatic 
side  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  Czar  intrusted  him  with 
secret  proposals  of  alliance  to  be  presented  to  Elizabeth 
on  his  return.^^ 

Jenkinson 's  subsequent  and  last  visit  to  Eussia  in 
1571-2  is  even  more  specifically  diplomatic  in  character. 

B2Hakluyt,  III,  9  ff. 

53lUd.,  Ill,  1  ff. 

5ilbid.,  Ill,  6  ff. 

B5  Ibid.,  Ill,  5. 

s«  Tolstoy,  p.  24.  "The  Societe  of  the  marchaunts  adventurers 
trading  in  Russia  doe  desier  most  humbly  that  Anthony  Jenkynson 
may  have  in  commission  from  the  queues  ma-tie  to  the  emperor  of 
Russia  to  the  tenor  ensewing."  At  the  close  of  the  document  is  ap- 
pended in  Jenkinson's  handwriting,  "the  true  copy  of  the  artykles, 
comytted  unto  me  by  the  queues  ma-tye  to  be  declared  in  her 
gracs  name  to  th'  emperour  off  Russia. — By  me  Anthony  Jenkyn- 
son."    Ibid.,  p.  26. 

^T  Infra,  p.  76. 

68  Tolstoy,  pp.  38-39. 


THE  ENGLISH  GOVERN]\IENT  63 

The  Company's  interests  at  that  time  were  in  serious  dan- 
ger. Ivan  had  for  the  second  time  within  a  period  of 
three  years  withdrawn  their  privileges  and  had  gone  so 
far  as  to  seize  their  wares.  Whether  Jenkinson's  mission 
on  this  occasion  should  be  considered  purely  as  a  special 
diplomatic  embassy  from  the  English  government,  or  as  a 
Company  affair  in  which  a  Company  agent  incidentally 
took  charge  of  an  international  misunderstanding  is  diffi- 
cult to  say.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Jenkinson  stood  in  a 
twofold  relation.  The  Company's  part  in  the  event  is 
evidenced  by  their  request  for  "lettres  .  .  .  from  her 
ma-tie  to  the  Muscouit  for  Jenkinson. "  ^^  On  the  other 
hand,  however,  he  treated  not  only  of  commercial  affairs 
but,  as  the  Queen's  representative,  discussed  the  matter 
of  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance.  His  mission  was 
successful.  The  Company's  privileges  were  restored,  and 
restoration  of  its  confiscated  goods  promised.®"  The  last 
words  of  the  autobiographical  statement  written  by  Jen- 
kinson soon  after  illustrate  once  more  the  ambiguous  na- 
ture of  his  functions  as  diplomatic  agent  and  Company 
employee:  "And  thus  being  weary  and  growing  old,  I  am 
content  to  take  my  rest  in  mine  owne  house,  chiefly  com- 
forting my  selfe,  in  that  my  service  hath  bene  honourably 
accepted  and  rewarded  of  her  majestic  and  the  rest  by 
whom  I  have  bene  imploied. ' '  ®^ 

On  special  occasions,  as  we  have  said,  special  ambassa- 
dors were  sent  by  Elizabeth  to  the  Russian  court.  Ivan's 
objection  to  merchants'  affairs  being  given  precedence 
over  affairs  of  state,  the  injection  into  the  international 
relations  of  matters  essentially  diplomatic,  and,  finally, 
the  special  request  from  the  Czar  that  embassies  be  sent, 
probably  explain  the  missions  of  Sir  Thomas  Randolph  in 

59  Tolstoy,  p.  117.  The  Requeste  of  the  Marchants  Adventurers 
for  Russia. 

60  Infra,  p.  83. 

aiHakluyt,  III,   196.  \ 


64  THE  MUSCOVY  COINIPANY 

1569,  of  Sir  Jerome  Bowes  in  1583,  and  of  Giles  Fletcher 
in  1588.  The  Company's  part  in  the  conducting  of  these 
embassies  furnishes  us  with  a  problem  of  peculiar  diffi- 
culty. In  the  nature  of  things  commercial  relations  con- 
stituted the  central  motive  of  all  the  English  diplomatic 
dealings  with  the  Czar.  Though  Randolph,  Bowes  and 
Fletcher  in  all  probability  had  no  official  connection  with 
the  Company,  the  Company  unquestionably  had  a  real  and 
direct  interest  in  their  respective  missions. 

The  first  ambassador  extraordinary  was  Thomas  Ran- 
dolph, one  of  Elizabeth's  courtiers  and  a  tried  diplomat. 
He  was  accompanied  by  two  agents  of  the  Company, 
Geoffrey  Duckett  and  Thomas  Bannister,  and  carried  a 
letter  from  Elizabeth  to  the  Czar.''^  This  embassy  took 
place  between  Jenkinson's  two  visits  of  1567  and  1571. 
Ivan,  angered  at  Elizabeth's  failure  to  reply  to  the  propo- 
sitions he  had  made  to  Jenkinson,  had  withdrawTi  the  Com- 
pany's  privileges.*^^  Randolph  managed  to  secure  a  res- 
toration of  trading  rights."*  The  Company  seems  to  have 
been  as  influential  in  the  management  of  this  embassy  as  if 
the  ambassador  had  been  one  of  its  own  agents.  The 
concluding  section  of  Randolph's  instructions  reads, 
"whereas  the  societie  of  the  merchants  haue  made  choice 
of  ij  trusty  wyse  merchants  of  their  companye,  Tho :  Ban- 
nister and  Geofries  Ducket,  to  whom  also  we  haue  for 
their  more  credit  giuen  commission  with  your  help  to 
treate  with  the  same  emperour,  about  the  maters  of  their 
traffike.  Because  the  said  soeietye  hath  best  knowledge 
how  to  aduance  that  treaty,  we  must  Avholly  referr  you  to 
suche  instructions  as  the  said  socyetie  bathe  in  that  be- 
half e  deuised. ' '  ^^ 

62  Tolstoy,  p.  49  ff.     Ilir  Ma-ties  lettre  to  the  Emperor  of  Muscouia, 
iy  Mr.  TJwtnas  Randolphe. 
03  Ihid.,  p.  46. 

64  lufrn,  p.  79  flF. 

65  Tolstoy,  p.  46. 


THE  ENGLISH  GOVERNMENT  65 

Sir  Jerome  Bowes  was  sent  to  Russia  in  1583  in  response 
to  a  request  made  by  the  Czar.  The  Company's  influence 
in  the  selection  of  envoys  is  exemplified  in  the  contem- 
porary account  of  Bowes'  appointment.  The  first  choice 
had  fallen  upon  Sir  William  Russell,  third  son  of  the 
Earl  of  Bedford.^"  Russell,  how^ever,  was  unwilling  to 
take  the  hazardous  journey.  "We  are  told  that  "then  the 
company  of  merchants  intreated  for  Sir  Jerome  Bowes. ' '  ""^ 
Bowes  was  accordingly  appointed,  his  commission  bearing 
date  of  June,  1583.*'^  He  left  England  June  22,  bearing 
a  letter  from  Elizabeth  to  the  Czar.*^^  Not  only  was  the 
Company  influential  in  his  selection,  but  it  bore  the 
expense  of  his  embassy.  Our  contemporary  narrator  says 
' '  he  was  waell  sett  forth  most  at  their  charge. ' '  ^^  The 
large  part  played  by  the  Company  in  the  management  of 
this  embassy  is  further  evidenced  by  a  clause  in  Bowes' 
instnictions  directing  him  to  follow  the  Company's  wishes 
in  the  handling  of  ' '  causes  of  our  merchants. ' ' "" 

Giles  Fletcher,  who  was  sent  as  aml)assador  to  Russia 
in  1588,  four  years  after  the  death  of  Ivan,  secured  a 
partial  confirmation  of  privileges  from  Czar  Feodor.^^ 
There  is  no  indication  that  his  relations  to  the  government 
and  the  Company  Avere  essentially  different  from  those 
of  Randolph  and  Bowes.  In  general,  we  are  probably  jus- 
tified in  concluding  that  the  Company  took  an  important 
but  indirect  part  in  the  selection  of  special  ambassadors. 
They  also  shared  in  the  framing  of  their  instructions  and 
bore  the  expenses  of  their  missions.''^ 

66  Travels  of  Sir  Jerome  Horsey,  p.  19G. 
67Hakluyt,  III,  308   flf. 
68/6td.,  ill,  312  ff. 
69  Horsey,  p.   196. 

"0  Tolstoy,  p.  205.  Copie  of  inslructions  giuen  to  Sir  Jerome 
Bowes. 

71  Infra,   p.   90   flF. 

72  Ilakluyt,   VIIT,    135.     Carlile's   Discourse — "The   charges   of   all 


66  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

To  turn  now  to  the  other  party  in  the  diplomatic  inter- 
course, we  find  in  the  first  place  that  the  Russian  govern- 
ment frequently  sent  official  messages  to  the  English 
Queen  by  means  of  the  Company's  servants.  Chancellor 
in  1553  carried  the  first  official  communication  from  the 
Czar  to  his  own  country J^  Jenkinson  in  1567  was  en- 
trusted by  Ivan  with  confidential  messages  to  the  Queen, 
most  serious  in  their  import  and  in  their  consequences/* 
Later  in  the  century  Jerome  Horsey  and  Francis  Cherry- 
while  in  the  pay  of  the  Company  acted  as  diplomatic 
agents  for  Elizabeth  and  Ivan's  successors.  This  diplo- 
matic function  merely  supplements  the  employment,  al- 
ready mentioned,  of  these  men  by  the  English  government 
for  the  same  purpose. 

The  relation  of  the  Company  to  the  special  embassies 
sent  to  England  by  the  Czar  presents  a  separate  problem. 
Osep  Napea,  to  whose  embassy  in  1557  we  have  previously 
made  reference,  was,  as  we  have  seen,  lodged  and  enter- 
tained at  the  expense  of  the  Company.'^^  At  the  banquet 
given  by  the  Company  in  his  honor  shortly  before  he  left 
England  "a,  cup  of  wine  being  drunke  to  him  in  the  name 
and  lieu  of  the  whole  companie,  it  was  signified  to  him  that 
the  whole  company  with  most  liberal  and  friendly  hearts, 
did  frankly  give  to  him  and  his  all  maner  of  costs  and 
charges  in  victuals  riding  from  Scotland  to  London  during 
his  abode  there,  and  untill  setting  of  saile  aboord  the  ship, 
requesting  him  to  accept  the  same  in  good  part  as  a  testi- 
mony and  witnes  of  their  good  hearts,  zeale  and  tender- 
nesse  towards  him  and  his  countrey. ' '  ^® 

The  visit  of  Stephen  Twerdico  and  Theodore  Pogorella, 

Ambassadoiirs  between  that  Prince  and  her  Majesty,  are  always  borne 
by  the  merchants  stocke."     Also  of.  infra,  p.  88. 
73Hakluyt,  II,  271. 

74  8upra,  p.  63. 

75  Supra,  p.  20. 
76Hakluyt,  II,  358. 


THE  ENGLISH  GOVERNIMENT  67 

who  came  from  Russia  to  England  in  1567,  need  not  detain 
us  long  in  this  place,  as  they  were  clearly  not  ambassadors, 
Camden's  implication  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding." 
They  were  Russian  merchants  bearing  a  letter  from  the 
Czar  in  which  permission  was  asked  that  they  might  dis- 
pose of  the  Czar's  wares  which  they  carried  and  secure  for 
him  "Saphires,  Rubies  and  apparelling,  such  as  in  our 
tresorie  we  haue  neede  of. ' '  ^^  Freedom  from  custom  and 
safe  conduct  were  requested  "that  noe  man  may  hurte  or 
moleste  them,  sufferinge  them  in  your  shipps  by  godes 
helpe  to  come  safe  to  us  agayne. ' '  ' '^  Some  years  later 
Ivan  complained  that  his  request  had  not  been  granted 
and  made  that  grievance  the  pretext  for  confiscating  the 
goods  of  English  merchants  in  Russia. ^"^ 

Andreas  Gregorowich  Saviena,  who  accompanied  Thomas 
Randolph  to  England  in  1569,  must  be  considered  the  next 
Russian  ambassador  after  Osep  Napea.  Ivan's  proposi- 
tions to  Elizabeth  had  been  entrusted  to  Jenkinson  by  the 
Czar  in  1567.  He  had  proposed  a  firm  alliance  which 
would  put  each  nation  under  obligation  to  engage  in  war 
with  the  enemies  of  the  other,  and  had  suggested  a  secret 
agreement  by  which  each  monarch  in  the  event  of  being 
obliged  to  leave  his  own  kingdom  might  find  refuge  in  that 
of  his  ally.^^  No  reply  had  been  made  by  Elizabeth  to 
this  proposition,  the  letter  brought  by  Randolph  to  the 
Czar  referring  only  to  trade  affairs.^-  Randolph's  instruc- 
tions, moreover,  definitely  directed  him  to  avoid  commit- 
ting England  to  a  treaty  of  alliance : — ' '  And  in  such  good 
generall  sorte  we  wold  haue  you  satisfie  him  without  giuing 
occasion  to  enter  into  any  speciall  treaties  or  capitulacon 

77  Camden,  History  of  Elizabeth,  p.  103. 

78  Tolstoy,  p.  34. 

79  75id.,  p.  35. 
fio  Ibid.,  p.   157. 

81  Ibid.,  pp.  38-39. 

82  Ibid.,  p.  49  flf. 


68  THE  MUSCOVY  COm^ANY 

of  any  suche  legue  as  is  called  offensiue  and  defensiue  be- 
twixt vs  Whereof  though  the  sayd  Anthony  Jenkinson 
made  mention  to  vs,  yet  we  wold  have  you  pass  those  mat- 
ters with  silence. ' '  ^^  These  directions  Randolph  followed 
to  the  letter  if  we  can  judge  by  Ivan's  complaint  to  Jen- 
kinson three  years  later: — "but  all  his  talk  with  us  was 
about  Merchants  affaires,  and  nothing  touching  ours 
.  .  .  and  thereupon  wee  sent  our  Ambassadour  into 
England  with  him  to  ende  the  same. ' '  ^* 

Saviena  arrived  in  England  in  1569.  After  long  nego- 
tiations the  Queen  agreed  to  the  offensive  and  defensive 
alliance  but  with  a  condition  she  must  have  known  Ivan 
would  not  accept:  if  either  party  to  the  alliance  "shalbe 
iniuried  by  any  other  Prince,  uppon  significaeon  made 
thereof  by  the  party  iniuried  and  the  justice  of  his  cause 
made  manifest"  the  other  party  shall  call  upon  the  of- 
fender to  "returne  to  honnorable  condicons  of  peace  ac- 
cording to  the  lawes  of  Almighty  God";  if  this  warning 
is  not  heeded  then  the  allies  shall  unite  their  forces  against 
the  enemy.^^  In  a  secret  letter  Elizabeth  grants  the  re- 
quest for  refuge  in  case  of  need,  although  she  does  not 
follow  his  suggestion  so  far  as  to  ask  a  similar  favor  of 
the  Czar.^-^ 

We  have  little  knowledge  of  the  relation  between  the 
Company  and  Saviena  during  the  time  of  his  sojourn  at 
the  English  court.  The  Company's  interest  in  and  influ- 
ence upon  the  subject  of  the  embassy,  however,  are  indi- 
cated by  a  message  from  Sir  William  Gerrard  to  Anthony 
Jenkinson  during  the  ambassador's  visit,  containing  "ser- 
ten  instrokysons  ...  to  move  the  Ryght  honnorabell 
S-r  W-m  Syssyll. ' '  ^"     The  document  gives  advice  on  the 

83  Tolstoy,  p.  45. 

Si  Ibid.,   pp.    174,    175. 

85  Ihid.,  p.  75. 

86ii>u/.,  p.  97. 

B-!  Ibid.,  pp.  82,  83. 


THE  ENGLISH  GOVERN^IENT  69 

granting  of  trading  privileges,  the  sending  of  another  am- 
bassador to  Russia,  and  the  calling  home  of  Englishmen 
who  are  staying  in  Russia  against  the  Company's  will. 
The  seventh  item  requests  "that  the  sayd  ambassador 
maybe  ffvlly  ansred  at  thys  next  metyng  so  as  he  may  take 
hys  leve  ffor  that  the  shypes  atend  only  upon  hym  and 
the  yere  ys  ffare  spent." 

The  embassy  of  Pissemsky  in  1582  dealt  again  with  the 
subject  of  an  alliance.  He  was  to  conclude  the  negotia- 
tions of  a  treaty  and  to  propose  a  marriage  for  the  Czar 
with  Lady  Mary  Hastings,  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Hunt- 
ingdon. Elizabeth  was  to  be  asked  to  send  a  special  am- 
bassador to  the  Czar  to  treat  with  him  about  it.  Pissem- 
sky had  an  interview  with  the  lady;  "fell  prostrate  to  her 
feett^  rise,  ranne  backe  from  her,  his  face  still  towards 
her,  she  and  the  rest  admiringe  at  his  manner.  Said  by 
an  interpritor  yt  did  suffice  him  to  behold  the  angell  he 
hoped  should  be  his  masters  espouse. ' '  ^^  He  departed 
with  Bowes  in  1583.  Of  the  relation  of  the  Company  to 
his  embassy  and  to  that  of  Gregory  Mikouleve  in  1600  ^^ 
we  have  little  definite  information,  but  there  is  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  there  was  any  large  change  in  the  Com- 
pany's interest  or  influence. 

The  expense  attached  to  the  entertainment  of  Russian 
ambassadors  in  England  was  borne  by  the  Company.  The 
scant  references  we  find  of  this  phase  of  our  topic  clearly 
point  in  this  direction.^"  Corroboration  is  furnished  by 
two  references  at  the  time  of  an  embassy  a  generation  later. 
The  Privy  Council  on  November  18,  1628,  wrote  to  the 
Lord  Mayor  requiring  him  to  confer  with  the  governor  of 
the  Muscovy  Company  "and  provide  a  convenient  house 

88  Horsey,    p.    19G. 

89Cal.   S.  P.    (Domestic)     ].')!)8-lf)01,   pp.   477,   478,   54,3. 

00  Ilakluyt,  VIII,  135.  Carlilc's  Discourse. — "The  charges  of  all 
Ambassadours  bctweene  tliat  Prince  and  her  Majesty,  are  always 
borne  by   the  merchants   stocke." 


70  THE  MUSCOVY  COT^IPANY 

for  the  Ambassador's  lodging,  and  to  give  orders  for  such 
attendance  on  his  arrival  as  was  usual  .  .  . "  ^^  A  let- 
ter written  the  next  month  describing  the  reception  of  the 
ambassador  says,  "To-morrow  being  Sunday  he  will  be 
received  in  audience  by  His  Majesty  with  the  usual  pomp. 
He  has  not  brought  any  presents,  such  as  sables  and  other 
rich  furs  of  that  countrj^  consequently  the  merchants  here 
who  pay  all  his  expenses  may  send  him  home  without  pres- 
ents or  with  some  of  little  value     .     .     . "  ^^ 

On  the  whole  the  Company's  connection  with  the  diplo- 
matic relations  between  England  and  Russia  seems  to  have 
been  very  close.  Even  when  its  own  servants  were  not  em- 
ployed on  diplomatic  missions  the  Company  seems,  some- 
times at  least,  to  have  been  a  factor  in  the  selection  and 
instructions  of  ambassadors.  The  burden  of  bearing  the 
expense,  in  any  event,  fell  to  its  share. 


4.  The  Government's  Commercial  Dealings  with  the 
Com^pany. 

The  trade  in  cordage  was  one  of  the  most  profitable 
activities  of  the  Muscovy  Company.  If  we  can  take  the 
word  of  a  member  of  the  Company  there  was  ' '  not  the  like 
cordage  in  Europe  to  be  had."  Less  liable  to  bias  was 
the  judgment  of  William  Burrough,  "Treasurer  of  the 
ships,"  who  in  1582  writing  of  the  Russian  cordage  char- 
acterizes it  as  "  the  best  brought  into  this  country. "  ^^  It 
is  not  surprising  that  the  English  government  in  that  pe- 
riod of  the  extension  of  her  naval  activities  should  have 
proved  one  of  the  Company's  best  customers. 

91  Remembraneia,  VI,  188. 

92  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  lltli  Report,  app.  part  I,  p.  177  (Salvetti  Cor- 
respondence ) . 

93Cal.  S.  P.    (Domestic)    1581-1590,  p.  74. 


THE  ENGLISH  GOVERNMENT  71 

In  1568  the  Queen  contracted  with  the  Company  "for 
the  delivery  of  cables,  hawsers,  cordage,  and  other  tackle 
into  Deptford  dockyard  to  the  value  of  4000£  8s.  lOd."" 
In  March,  1588,  the  year  of  the  Armada,  Hawkins  in  a 
letter  to  Burleigh  mentions  that  "great  cables  to  the  value 
of  3000£  had  been  ordered  in  Museovia."^^  The  follow- 
ing year  he  makes  mention  of  the  fact  that  he  has 
written  for  thirty  cables  "to  be  brought  by  the  ships  of 
the  Muscovy  Company. ' '  ^'^  Other  references  in  1591 " 
and  1593  °*  indicate  a  continuance  of  the  sale  of  cordage 
to  the  government  in  those  years. 

The  last  decade  of  the  century  witnessed  a  remarkable 
increase  in  the  amount  of  the  sale  of  this  commodity  to 
the  English  government.  In  1595  it  amounted  to  almost 
6000£.^^  In  1596  the  government's  purchase  amounted  to 
9254£  8s.i°°  In  1597  it  reached  the  sum  of  13,922£  15s. 
2d/°^  and  in  December  of  that  year  the  government  or- 
dered "10,000£  worth  of  cordage  against  the  next 
year."i«2 

For  the  cordage  furnished  by  the  Company,  as  for  the 
wax  it  supplied  for  the  use  of  Her  Majesty's  Household, 
money  was  not  always  paid  as  promptly  as  might  have 
been  desired.  Complaints  by  the  Company  on  this  score 
were  frequent.  In  1582  Walsingham  wrote  to  Burghley 
that  the  Company  was  demanding  payment  of  the  money 
due  them  for  wax  "taken  these  two  years  past"  for  the 
Queen's     use.^°^     Hawkins     and     Burrough     wi-itiug     to 

94Cal.  S.  p.  (Foreign)  1566-1568,  p.  462. 
95Cal.  S.  P.  (Domestic)  1581-1590,  p.  467. 
96  Hid.,  p.   615. 

97Cal.  S.  P.  (Domestic)  1591-1594,  p.  154. 
s»  Ibid.,  pp.   397,  408. 

99  Hatfield   House  MSS.  V,   399. 

100  ihid.,  VI,  p.  511. 

101  lUd.,  VII,   484. 

102  Hid,,  VII,   505. 

103  Cal.  S.  P.   (Domestic)   1581-1590,  p.  75. 


72  THE  MUSCOVY  COIVIPANY 

Burghley  in  1593  refer  to  the  "debt  due  to  the  Muscovy- 
Company  for  cordage,  and  debts  to  sundry  other  mer- 
chants for  hemp  long  since  delivered."^"*  In  1595  Fran- 
cis Cherry  wrote  to  Burghley,  "The  late  sum  we  received 
in  part  for  our  cordage  taken  for  her  Majesty's  navy  will 
scarcely  serve  to  provide  such  other  cordage  as  is  given  us 
in  charge  to  furnish  the  next  year;  and  the  money  behind 
for  that  already  delivered  is  with  the  rest  to  be  returned, 
else  shall  we  not  be  able  to  set  out  our  shipping,  maintain 
our  trade,  and  satisfy  our  creditors."  ^°^  A  year  later  the 
account  had  not  been  settled.  A  petition  sent  by  the  Com- 
pany to  the  Queen  in  December  of  that  year  points  out 
that  three  months  before  the  Admiralty  had  made  choice 
of  cordage  to  the  value  of  over  9000£  and  asked  for  the  pay- 
ment of  this  "as  well  as  of  the  658£  lis.  8d.  unpaid  for 
cordage  delivered  last  year.  ""^  At  the  close  of  1597  the 
Company  was  still  endeavoring  to  secure  pajnment;  more 
cordage  had  been  ordered  by  the  government,  "which  we 
cannot  do,"  complains  Cherry  in  a  letter  to  Robert  Cecil, 
' '  without  our  money,  now  twenty-two  months  owing. ' '  ^"'^ 

104  Cal.    S.   P.    (Domestic)    1591-1594,   p.   324. 

105  Hatfield  House  MSS.  V,  pp.  462-463. 
io6  75id.,  VI,  511. 

107  Ibid.,  VII,  505. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE   RUSSIAN   GOVERNMENT   AND   THE    COMPANY 

The  history  of  the  rehitions  of  the  Muscovy  Company 
and  the  Russian  government  consists  for  the  most  part  of 
a  discussion  of  the  various  privileges  granted  at  different 
times  to  the  Company,  and  the  successive  modifications, 
withdrawals  or  extensions  of  these  privileges  by  the  Czar. 
It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  English  grants  em- 
bodied in  the  two  charters  of  the  Company  would  have 
been  practically  valueless  without  some  corresponding  con- 
cessions by  the  Russian  government.  The  English  crown 
by  letters  patent  and  Parliament  by  statutory  enactment 
could  after  all  do  no  more  than  prohibit  the  Russian  trade 
to  Englishmen  who  were  not  members  of  the  Company. 
Whether  the  English  were  to  be  permitted  to  trade  in 
Russia  at  all  and  on  what  terms,  and  the  whole  problem 
of  their  relation  to  the  merchants  of  other  European  na- 
tions trading  in  the  Czar's  dominions  were  questions  which 
could  be  settled  by  Russia  alone.  It  is  the  purpose  of  the 
present  chapter  to  trace  the  history  of  the  privileges  which 
the  Russian  government  granted  to  the  Muscovy  Company 
in  the  period  under  consideration. 

Ivan's  reply  to  the  letter  of  Edward  VI,  although  sent 
a  year  before  the  incorporation  of  the  Company,  embodied 
a  definite  promise  of  freedom  of  trade  to  English  mer- 
chants. The  Czar  says  in  so  many  words,  "And  if  you 
send  one  of  your  majesties  counsel  to  treate  with  us 
■whereby  your  countrey  marchants  may  with  all  kinds  of 

73 


74  THE  MUSCOVY  COIVIPANY 

wares,  and  where  they  will  make  their  market  in  our  do- 
minions, they  shall  have  their  free  marte  with  all  free  lib- 
erties to  my  whole  dominions  with  all  kinds  of  wares  to 
come  and  goe  at  their  pleasure,  without  any  let,  damage  or 
impediment,  according  to  this  our  letter,  our  word  and  our 
scale  which  we  have  commaunded  to  be  under  sealed. ' '  ^ 
The  following  year  Chancellor  returned  to  Russia  with  a  let- 
ter from  Philip  and  Mary  in  which  assurance  was  given 
Ivan  that  England  was  willing  to  reciprocate: — "  Which 
your  benevolences  so  to  bee  extended,  wee  bee  minded  to 
requite  towards  any  your  subjects  Marchants,  that  shal 
frequent  this  our  realm  at  your  contemplation  therefore  to 
be  made. ' '  ^ 

"Chiefly  upon  the  contemplation  of  the  gratious  letters, 
directed  from  the  right  high,  right  excellent,  and  right 
mighty  Queene  Mary,  by  the  grace  of  God  Queene  of  Eng- 
land, France,  etc.,"  in  favor  of  the  newly  incorporated 
Company  the  Czar  issued  the  first  formal  grant  of  privi- 
leges in  the  very  year  of  the  Company's  incorporation. 
The  grant  bears  the  date  of  1555  and  includes  eleven  ar- 
ticles relating  to  affairs  of  trade  and  administration.' 

The  trading  privileges  of  1555  extended  to  the  merchants 
of  the  Company  and  their  agents  and  servants  the  right 
to  visit  any  part  of  the  Emperor's  dominions  with  their 
ships  and  merchandise,  and  buy  and  sell  all  sorts  of  wares 
without  the  payment  of  toll  or  tax  of  any  kind.*  A  spe- 
cial clause  authorized  the  Company  to  employ  "brokers, 
shippers,  packers,  weighers,  measurers,  wagoners,  and  all 
other  meet  and  necessary  laborers  for  to  serve  them  in 
their  feat  of  merchandises. ' '  ^  These  employees  they  may 
put  under  oath  "to  serve  them  truly,"  punish  or  dismiss 

iHakluyt,  II,  272. 

2  Ibid.,  II,  280. 

sibicl,  III,  297  S. 

*Ibid.,  Ill,  299. 

5  Ibid.,  Ill,  300.  ? 


THE  RUSSIAN  GOVERNMENT  75 

for  poor  service,  and  replace  "without  disturbance  .  .  . 
from  us,  our  successors,  or  any  justices,  officers,  ministers 
or  subjects  whatever."^ 

The  grant  further  specified  definite  and  extensive  rights 
of  jurisdiction  which  the  Company  was  to  enjoy.  The 
Company's  factor  was  given  "full  power  to  rule  and  gov- 
ern all  Englishmen  that  have  had  or  shall  have  access  to 
these  dominions. "°  This  grant  of  jurisdiction  was  evi- 
dently intended  to  apply  equally  to  those  who  had  no  con- 
nection with  the  Company  and  to  the  Company's  own 
members  or  employees.  The  article  goes  on  to  specify  that 
this  grant  includes  the  right  to  make  rules  and  ordinances 
and  to  punish  offenders  by  fines  and  imprisonments.^ 
Russian  officials  were  to  aid  in  enforcing  obedience  to  the 
factor  and,  on  his  request,  were  to  put  at  his  disposal 
* '  prisons  and  instruments  for  punishment. ' '  ^  We  find  in 
these  governmental  provisions  the  parallel  and  complement 
of  the  rights  of  jurisdiction  granted  by  the  English  gov- 
ernment in  its  first  charter  to  the  Company. 

Besides  these  grants  of  trading  privilege  and  rights  of 
government  the  document  contains  a  number  of  specific 
promises  of  protection  by  the  Russian  government.  In 
difficulties  arising  between  Englishmen  and  Russian  sub- 
jects speedy  justice  is  promised.^  Merchants'  goods  are 
not  to  be  seized  for  offenses  committed  by  their  servants.® 
No  Englishman  is  to  be  arrested  for  debt  if  he  can  fur- 
nish surety,  nor  before  the  factor  is  asked  whether  he  will 
be  surety  for  the  debtor.^  Condign  punishment  is  to  be 
administered  to  any  person  who  kills  or  wounds  an  Eng- 
lish merchant.®  The  Czar  will  do  what  he  can  to  secure 
reparation  in  cases  of  piracy  against  English  ships.®  The 
dictation  and  foresight  of  the  Company  itself  is  quite  evi- 

«  Hakluyt,  II,  300. 
T  Ibid.,   II,   301. 
8lMd.,  II,  300. 
» Ibid.,  II,  302. 


76  THE  MUSCOVY  COIVIPANY 

dent  in  this  list  of  privileges  intended  to  cover  all  possi- 
ble vicissitudes  or  calamities. 

The  grant  of  1555,  then,  contained  three  groups  of  privi- 
leges: the  right  to  trade  in  any  part  of  Russia  and  to  em- 
ploy persons  necessary  for  the  carrying  on  of  this  trade; 
the  right  to  govern  all  Englishmen  in  Russia  whether  of 
the  Company  or  not,  and  the  assistance  of  Russian  offi- 
cials in  the  enforcement  of  this  right;  a  group  of  special 
grants  of  privilege  and  protection.  It  is  worthy  of  note 
that  there  is  no  grant  of  any  monopoly.  This  first  trad- 
ing privilege  did  not  specifically  exclude  from  a  share  in 
the  Company's  privileges  the  merchants  of  other  coun- 
tries. 

In  1558  the  capture  of  Narva,  by  giving  to  Russia  a  port 
on  the  Baltic,  opened  to  the  Company  a  new  route  to  the 
Czar's  dominions.  We  have  in  another  place  considered 
the  effect  of  this  acquisition  on  the  Company's  charter 
rights  and  have  reached  the  conclusion  that  the  charter  of 
1555  of  its  own  force  extended  to  any  lands  that  the  Czar 
might  acquire  subsequent  to  the  date  of  that  grant  and 
lying  north  of  London. ^°  Similarly  on  the  Russian  side 
any  extension  of  the  Czar's  territory  involved  an  exten- 
sion of  the  sphere  of  the  Company's  activity  under  Rus- 
sian protection.  Nevertheless  Narva  constituted  a  source 
of  trouble  to  the  Company,  the  attempts  of  Englishmen 
not  of  the  Company  to  establish  a  trade  there  leading  to 
vigorous  complaints  to  the  Privy  Council.  The  second 
charter  in  1566,  as  we  have  seen,  attempted  to  settle  the 
difficulty  by  specific  mention  of  Narva  in  the  grant.^^ 

One  of  the  purposes  of  Jenkinson's  mission  to  Russia  in 
1566  was  to  secure  for  the  Company  the  exclusive  right 
to  the  White  Sea  trade,  "And  that  no  other  straungers 
may    be    admytted    or    lycencyd    to    land    or    trade    that 

10  Supra,  p.  49. 

11  Supra,  p.  50. 


THE  RUSSIAN  GOVERNIilENT  77 

waye. ' '  ^^  Jenkinson  was  successful,  securing  from  the 
Czar  a  second  set  of  privileges  for  the  Company  under 
date  of  September  22,  1567.  The  most  important  addi- 
tional privilege  over  the  grant  of  1555  was  this  definite 
closing  of  the  northern  coasts  to  all  vessels  except  those 
of  the  Company.  This  was  the  first  grant  by  Russia  of 
a  definite  monopoly.  "We  for  our  sisters  sake  Elizabeth 
have  granted,  that  none  besides  sir  William  Garrard  and 
his  company,  out  of  what  kingdome  so  ever  it  be,  England 
or  other,  shall  not  come  in  trade  of  merchandise  nor  other- 
wise to  Colmogro,  nor  to  the  river  Ob,  nor  within  Ward- 
house,^^  .  .  .  nor  to  any  mouth  of  the  river  Dwina, 
nor  to  any  part  of  the  North  countrey  of  our  coast. ' '  ^* 
The  penalty  for  infringement  of  this  restriction  is  con- 
fiscation and  forfeiture  of  "the  people  and  goods,  ship  or 
ships"  to  the  Czar.^* 

The  grant  contains  a  restatement  of  the  Company's  right 
to  trade  free  of  custom  in  all  parts  of  the  Czar's  domin- 
ions.^^ As  in  the  case  of  the  second  charter  here  also  we 
find  specific  mention  of  Narva,  evidently  with  the  purpose 
of  leaving  no  doubt  of  its  inclusion  in  the  grant.  The 
right  of  the  Company  to  pass  to  the  lands  beyond  the  Cas- 
pian by  way  of  Astrakhan  is  also  definitely  granted.^*^ 
Except  for  the  "north  parts,"  however,  there  is  no  grant 
of  any  monopoly  or  exclusive  privilege. 

In  return  for  this  extension  of  privilege  it  is  required 
in  the  grant  of  1567  that  all  goods  "needful  or  necessary" 
brought  by  the  Company  to  Russia  shall,  before  being 
placed  on  sale,  be  examined  and  selection  made  of  such 

12  Tolstoy,  p.  25.  Anthony  Jenkinsons  Instructions  sent  by  the 
merchants  adventurers  into  Russia  to  the  Emperor  there. 

13  The  English  Charter  of  1566  had  explicitly  opened  Wardhouse 
to  all  Englishmen.  Ilakluyt,  III,  89.  Colmogro  is  the  modern 
Kholmognry. 

14  Ilakluyt,  III,  97. 

15  Ibid.,  Ill,  93-94. 
■i-^Ibid.,  Ill,   94. 


78  THE  MUSCOVY  COIVIPANY 

as  "shalbe  needful!  for  our  treasury/'  the  rest  being  de- 
livered back  to  the  Company  to  sell  and  barter  at  their 
pleasure.  The  Company  is  "  to  sell  none  of  the  fine  wares 
before  they  be  seene  by  our  chancellers,  except  sorting 
clothes,  and  other  wares  not  meet  for  our  treasury." 
Another  interesting  phase  of  the  Company's  relation  to 
the  Russian  government  is  seen  in  the  provision  that  the 
Company's  agents  shall,  at  the  request  of  the  Russian 
Chancellor,  take  with  them  "treasure  out  of  our  treasury" 
and  "  sell  and  barter  it  for  wares  meet  for  our  treasury, 
and  bring  it  to  our  treasury."  They  are  forbidden, 
however,  to  handle  "other  mens  wares  to  barter  or  sell 
with  them."  In  other  words  the  Russian  government 
was  to  have  first  choice  of  the  Company's  goods  for  its 
own  use  and  reserved  the  right  to  employ  the  Company  as 
its  own  commercial   agent. 

Other  provisions  of  the  privilege  grant  the  Company  the 
right  to  retain  its  house  in  ]\Ioscow  without  payment,  and 
to  set  up  houses  at  their  own  charges  at  Vologda  and  Khol- 
mogory  "or  in  any  other  place  where  they  can  chuse  for 
themselves  any  good  harbour. "  ^^  At  their  Moscow  house 
they  are  licensed  to  keep  "one  Russe  porter  or  two,"  at 
their  other  houses  "two  or  three,"  who  shall  not,  how- 
ever, buy  or  sell  for  the  Company. ^^  This  provision  is  in 
line  with  the  further  restriction  that  the  Company  may 
not  employ  Russians  "to  buy  or  sell  for  them  their 
wares. ' '  ^®  Lawsuits  that  may  arise  between  the  mer- 
chants and  Russian  subjects  are  to  be  judged  by  royal 
officials  M'ithout  the  charge  of  any  fee;  ^^  "and  when  they 
cannot  be  judged  by  law,  they  then  shalbe  tried  by  lots, 
and  whose  lot  is  first  taken  out,  he  shall  have  the  right. ' '  ^° 

iTHakluyt,  III,  96. 

18  Ibid.,  ill,  95. 

19  Ibid.,    Ill,    97. 

20  Ibid.,  Ill,  96-97. 


THE  RUSSIAN  GOVERNINIENT  79 

The  grant  of  1567,  notwithstanding  several  new  restric- 
tions not  included  in  the  previous  grant,  constituted  on 
the  whole  an  extension  of  the  Company's  trading  privi- 
leges. Unfortunately  the  settlement  was  of  short  dura- 
tion. Jenkinson's  failure  to  return  to  Russia  wuth  a  re- 
ply from  Elizabeth  to  Ivan's  secret  message  concerning  an 
alliance  between  the  two  countries,  together  ^dth  the  dis- 
loyal activities  of  the  Company's  agents  at  Narva,  was  re- 
sponsible for  a  decided  change  in  the  Czar's  attitude  to- 
ward the  Company.  Christopher  Bennet,  Thomas  Glover 
and  certain  other  servants  of  the  Company  shortly  after 
the  conclusion  of  Jenkinson's  successful  mission  seem  to 
have  entered  into  a  plot  to  defraud  the  Company  of  the 
goods  in  their  charge  and  secure  special  privileges  from 
the  Emperor  for  themselves.-^  They  persuaded  him  that 
the  Company  was  responsible  for  Jenkinson's  failure  to 
return  to  Russia,  in  that  they  had  brought  him  "in  dis- 
pleasure with  the  Queen  only  because  he  went  about  to 
further  the  Emperor's  matters. "^^  The  plot  was  success- 
ful, the  conspirators  receiving  a  special  privilege  from  the 
Czar.-^  They  adopted  a  "mark  of  Company"  in  imita- 
tion of  that  of  the  ]\Iuscovy  Company  and  proceeded  to 
trade  with  the  Company's  goods  on  their  o^\ti  account.^* 
This  was  the  situation,  when,  in  1568,  Randolph  was  sent 
to  Russia  as  special  ambassador  accompanied  by  two  agents 
who  had  been  deputed  by  the  Company  to  recover  its 
goods  out  of  its  factors'  hands  and  to  act  with  Randolph 
to  secure  the  annullment  of  the  privilege  granted  to  Ben- 
net  and  Glover.-^  The  success  of  Randolph's  mission^' 
and  his  return  to  England  in  1569   accompanied  by  an 

21  Cal.  S.  P.  (Foreign)   1569-1571,  p.  90. 
22Cal.  S.  P.    (Foreign)    1566-1568,  p.  519. 

23  Tolstoy,  p.  74. 

24  Cal.  S.  P.   (Foreign)    1566-1568,  p.  519. 

25  Cal.  S.  P.   (Foreign)    1569-1571,  p.  90. 
26Hakluyt,  III,   118. 


80  THE  MUSCOVY  COIVIPANY 

ambassador  from  Ivan,  Andreas  Saviena,  has  already  been 
mentioned.  The  important  point  in  the  present  connec- 
tion is  the  grant  of  privileges  secured  for  the  Company 
by  Randolph  before  his  departure  from  Russia. 

The  privileges  thus  granted  in  1569  were  made  up  of 
thirty-four  separate  articles.  The  provisions  of  the  grant 
secured  by  Jenkinson  in  1567  are  practically  repeated  but 
with  important  extensions.  The  monopoly  of  the  trade 
to  the  northern  coast  is  confirmed.-^  This  time,  more- 
over, forfeitures  that  result  from  the  capture  of  inter- 
lopers instead  of  going  to  the  Czar  alone  are  to  be  shared 
by  the  Czar  and  the  Company,  a  provision  similar  to  that 
in  the  Company's  charter.  A  more  important  extension 
of  privilege,  however,  is  to  be  found  in  the  grant  to  the 
Company  of  the  exclusive  enjoyment  of  the  overland  route 
to  Persia.  The  Persian  trade  like  that  of  the  northern 
coasts  is  granted  to  the  Company  as  a  monopoly  right.^^ 

The  privileges  of  1569  once  more  grant  the  right  to 
trade  freely  without  payment  of  custom  in  all  parts  of 
Russia.-®  "Without  definite  knowledge  of  the  privileges 
enjoyed  by  other  nations  in  Russia  at  this  time  it  is  im- 
possible to  say  to  what  extent  this  right  was  monopolistic. 
Camden's  statement  that  "the  Merchants  of  other  Nations 
might  not  go  a  mile  beyond  the  City  of  IMoscow"-^  would 
make  this  grant  almost  the  equivalent  of  a  monopoly.  In 
regard  to  Narva,  however,  a  special  provision  declares  that 
all  strangers  are  permitted  to  trade  "to  our  towne  of 
Narve,  Ivanogorod,  &  other  our  towns  of  Liefland,  as  they 
have  done  bef oretime. "  ^°  It  would  seem  that  only  to  Eng- 
lishmen who  were  not  members  of  the  Company  was  the 
trade  with  Narva  closed.^^ 

2THakluyt,  III,  117. 

2»Ibid.,   Ill,    109,    110. 

29  Camden,  p.  124.  The  statement  is  hardly  consistent  with  the 
activities  of  Venetian  and  Dutch  merchants  of  which  we  have 
evidence  shortly  after  this  time. 

soHakluyt,  III,  118.  ^^  Ibid.,  Ill,  117. 


THE  RUSSIAN  GOVERNMENT  81 

The  provisions  that  the  Russian  government  is  to  have 
the  right  to  select  for  its  own  use  those  of  the  Company's 
wares  that  it  needs  before  they  may  be  placed  on  sale,  and 
that  the  Company  is  to  act  in  the  capacity  of  agent  for 
the  Czar  are  repeated  in  the  grant  of  1569.  In  fact  the 
provision  goes  so  far  this  time  as  to  state  that  "when  we 
shall  sende  any  adventure  into  England  then  our  Chaun- 
cellour  to  give  them  a  yeeres  warning,  that  their  ships 
may  be  provided  thereafter,  that  by  taking  in  of  our  wares, 
they  leave  not  their  owne  behind  them.  "^-  The  Company 
was  also  required  to  "take  our  adventure  yeerely  when 
they  goe  into  Persia. ' '  ^^ 

The  houses  of  the  Company  were  transferred  by  this 
same  document  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Oprichnina,^* 
i.e.,  the  direct  control  of  the  Czar's  personal  government. 
The  inclusion  of  the  Company's  affairs  in  this  depart- 
ment freed  its  members  from  various  forms  of  local  con- 
trol and  interference;  it  is  definitely  ordered  that  "none 
of  our  Captaines,  or  authorized  people,  or  officers  in  any 
other  our  townes,  give  judgement  upon  the  said  English 
Merchants  for  any  thing. ' '  ^^ 

Among  the  new  privileges  included  in  the  grant  of  1569 
are  the  right  to  have  money  coined  at  Moscow,  Novgorod 
and  Plesko  (Pskoff),  "without  custome,  allowing  for 
coales,  and  other  necessaries  w' ith  the  workemanship " ;  ^"^ 
the  right  to  search  for  iron  mines  at  Wichida  (Vychegda), 
setting  up  houses  for  the  working  of  the  metal  and  enjoy- 
ing the  use  of  the  woods  "five  or  sixe  miles  compasse 
about  the  sayd  houses,  to  the  making  of  the  sayd  iron " ;  ^^ 
the  grant  of  ground  in  Vologda  to  build  a  house ;  ^^  and 

32Hakluyt,  III,  110. 
33/6/(7.,  ill,  111. 
Si  Ibid.,  Ill,  113. 
S5lhid.,  Ill,  114. 
36 /bid.,  Ill,  116. 
ST  Ibid.,   Ill,    113. 


82  THE  MUSCOVY  COI\IPANY 

a  definite  statement  of  the  right  of  the  English  in  Rus- 
sia to  keep  their  own  law  and  faith.^^  Section  33  pro- 
vides for  the  revocation  of  the  privileges  which  the  Czar 
had  granted  to  Bennet,  Glover  and  their  companions.^^ 

The  grant  of  1569  represents  an  advance  over  that  of 
1567  fully  as  great  as  the  advance  of  the  latter  over  the 
grant  of  1555.  The  monopoly  of  the  AVhite  Sea  trade  had 
been  confirmed  and  to  it  had  been  added  the  monopoly  of 
the  overland  trade  with  Persia.  The  Company's  affairs 
were  placed  under  the  immediate  jurisdiction  of  the  Czar. 
The  dangerous  competition  caused  by  Englishmen  trading 
to  Narva  on  their  own  account  was  prohibited.  Glover, 
the  chief  cause  of  the  recent  trouble,  was  handed  over  to 
Randolph  and  brought  back  to  England  by  him  to  answer 
for  his  actions  before  the  Company. ^^ 

Unfortunately  the  settlement  of  1569  was  almost  as 
short-lived  as  that  of  1567.  This  time  the  difficulties  that 
arose  were  even  more  serious.  Saviena's  failure  to  secure 
the  absolute  committal  of  Elizabeth  to  all  Ivan's  proposi- 
tions and  his  return  to  Russia  without  Jenkinson  seem  to 
have  angered  the  Czar  beyond  measure.  He  withdrew  the 
merchants'  privileges  and  seized  their  wares.  Jenkinson 
writing  to  Burghlej'-  in  1571  from  Kholmogory  says,  "The 
late  ambassador  (Saviena)  at  his  return  slanderously  re- 
ported to  his  lord  that  he  was  evil  entertained  and  used 
in  England,  which,  with  the  spiteful  practices  of  such 
abjects  and  runagates  of  the  English  nation  as  are  here, 
has  caused  him  not  only  to  take  away  their  privileges 
from  the  company,  but  also  forbidden  them  traffic  through- 
out his  dominions,  and  what  he  has  taken  from  them  he  has 
given  the  companies  of  other  nations. ' '  *°  Thirteen  ships 
of  the  Company  which  had  expected  to  sail  from  Nars^a 

ssHakluyt,  Til,   118. 
39Cal.  Sl^  P.   (Foreign)    1569-1571,  p.  91. 
ioliid.,  p.  504. 


THE  RUSSIAN  GOVERNMENT  83 

in  1570  laden  with  Russian  wares  could  only  find  goods 
enough  to  load  half  of  them;  in  a  letter  to  the  Emperor 
the  Company's  agents  complain,  "And  the  cause  is,  we 
have  this  winter  (by  your  majesties  order)  bene  kept 
from  trafiquing  to  the  companies  great  losse. ' '  *^ 

In  1571  Anthony  Jenkinson  was  sent  to  Russia  once 
more  to  straighten  out  these  difficulties  and  secure  the 
restoration  of  the  privileges  granted  to  Randolph.  There 
was  a  long  delay  before  he  was  admitted  to  the  Czar's 
presence.  In  the  course  of  the  interview  that  finally  took 
place,  a  full  account  of  which  was  sent  by  Jenkinson  to 
the  Company,  the  Czar's  anger  seems  to  have  been  en- 
tirely allayed.  He  refused,  however,  to  give  Jenkinson 
an  immediate  answer  to  his  requests.  Later  the  ambas- 
sador presented  his  demands  in  the  form  of  sixteen  arti- 
cles to  which  separate  replies  were  made  by  the  Russian 
government.  To  article  3,  which  contained  a  petition  to 
the  Emperor  to  take  the  Company  into  his  favor  again 
"and  to  restore  them  to  their  former  privileges  and  lib- 
erties, for  free  traffike  in,  and  through,  and  out  of  al  his 
Majasties  dominions,  in  as  ample  manner  as  aforetime,"*' 
the  Emperor  gave  answer  "that  his  great  goodnes  and 
favour  againe  unto  the  merchants  shall  be  restored,  and 
the  same  to  be  knowen  by  his  gratious  letters  of  privi- 
lege now  againe  granted. ' '  *^  Article  4  asked  for  repara- 
tion for  the  Company's  losses  and  injuries  during  the 
time  of  the  Czar's  displeasure;"  in  reply  the  merchants 
were  recommended  to  make  formal  complaint  to  the  Sec- 
retary and  were  assured  that  they  would  receive  prompt 
justice.*^     Article  6,'*'''  requesting  payment  to  the  Company 

4iHakluyt,    III,    169. 
42  Ibid.,  ill,  180. 
*3lbid.,  Ill,   189. 
**Ibid.,  Ill,   180. 
45/6id.,  Ill,   189. 
i6lbid.,  Ill,   181. 


84  THE  MUSCO\^  COIMPANY 

for  goods  taken  into  the  royal  treasury,  was  answered  with 
the  statement  that  the  accounts  would  be  looked  into  and 
some  settlement  made:  ''such  as  is  due,  &  found  meete  to 
be  paid,  shall  be  paid  forthwith. ' '  *^  Article  7  complains 
that  the  return  of  Ducket  and  Bannister  from  beyond  the 
Caspian  had  been  prevented  by  the  hostile  attitude  of  the 
officials  of  Astrakhan ;  ■**  the  Czar  promised  to  send  com- 
mands at  once  to  have  these  agents  with  their  Company 
and  goods  out  of  Persia  safely  conducted  up  the  Volga 
out  of  danger  of  enemies.*®  Article  11  cited  the  loss  suf- 
fered by  the  Company  through  the  burning  of  Moscow  and 
requested  the  Czar  "to  give  the  said  company  so  much  as 
shal  seeme  good  unto  his  Majestic  towards  their  said 
losses";^*'  to  which  answer  was  given  that  restitution 
would  not  be  made,  "for  that  it  was  Gods  doing,  and  not 
the  Emperours. ' '  ^^ 

On  the  whole,  while  Jenkinson  succeeded  in  securing  a 
renewal  of  the  Company's  privileges,  the  tone  of  the  re- 
plies to  many  of  his  requests  indicate  a  decided  lessening 
of  friendliness  on  the  part  of  the  Russian  government. 
This  is  further  borne  out  by  the  fact  that  Jenkinson  was 
compelled  to  set  sail  from  Russia  without  having  received 
a  copy  of  the  granted  privileges.^-  He  carried  a  letter  to 
Elizabeth  in  which  Ivan  says,  "And  for  your  sake  we 
have  granted  to  your  merchants  and  ordered  them  in  all 
our  realms  to  trade  free  and  have  given  order  to  let  them 
pass  out  of  our  dominions  into  any  other  dominions  ac- 
cording to  their  wish  without  any  lett  or  hinderance.  And 
we  have  ordered  for  your  sake  to  give  them  a  charter  of 
privileges  such  as  is  convenient. ' '  ^^ 

47  Hakluyt,  III,  190. 
^slhid.,  Ill,  181. 
49/6jf?.,  Ill,  190. 
no  Ibid.,  Ill,  183. 
SI  Ibid.,  Ill,  190. 

62  Ibid.,  Ill,  194. 

63  Tolstoy,  p.  147.    Guar  John  to  Q.  Elizabeth. 


THE  RUSSIAN  GOVERNMENT  85 

From  1572  until  his  death  in  1576  Daniel  Sylvester  was 
the  chief  go-between  for  the  two  governments,  frequently 
carrying  diplomatic  messages  bearing  upon  the  Company's 
privileges.  In  1574  Ivan  brought  up  once  more  the  ques- 
tion of  the  offensive  and  defensive  alliance.  A  long  let- 
ter under  date  of  August  20  contains  the  significant  sen- 
tence, "And  if  you  wish  for  more  amity  and  friendship 
from  us,  ponder  upon  that  subject  and  do  that  business, 
by  which  you  may  increase  our  amity  towards  you. ' '  ^* 

Some  two  years  later  the  Czar  complained  bitterly  to  Syl- 
vester of  the  Queen's  haughtiness  and  scrupulous  answers; 
he  also  on  this  occasion  gave  expression  to  his  old  griev- 
ance that  "affayres  of  merchaunts  ar  preferred  and  made 
of  more  emportance  than  the  affayres  of  ours. ' '  ^^  This 
was  followed  b}^  a  definite  threat:  "  And  how  ample  our 
goodnes  hathe  bene  and  ys  towards  them  ys  aparaunte  by 
the  many-foulde  lybertyes  whearwith  we  have  graced 
them  ...  Of  all  the  which  with  the  rest  of  all  their 
lybertyes  they  ar  to  be  restrayned  yf  we  fynde  not  further 
lyberalyte  then  this  from  our  systar.  And  vri\l  traun- 
porte  the  same  trade  vnto  the  Veneatianes  and  Gar- 
maynes  .  .  .  ;  wherein  wee  will  yett  staye  vntill  we 
shall  here  from  our  sister  towchinge  her  determynation 
therin :  either  a  liberall  graunte  or  flatt  denyall. ' '  ^^  Eliza- 
beth's  reply,  carried  by  Sylvester,  was  destined  never  to 
reach  the  Czar.  At  Kholmogory  the  bearer  was  struck  by 
lightning,  "whereat  the  Emperour  was  much  amassed 
when  he  heard  of  it,  saieng  '  Gods  will  be  donn ! '  "  ^^ 

The  instructions  given  to  Bowes  at  the  time  of  his  em- 
bassy in  1583  clearly  indicate  that  the  Company's  privi- 
leges at  that  period  were  again  in  serious  danger.     Pis- 

54  Tolstoy,  p.  158.     Czar  John  to  Q.  Elizabeth. 

BB  Ibid.,  p,  184.  A  note  of  speche  ic-ith  th'  emperour  of  Rowsia 
vsed  vnto  me  Daniuell  Siluester  tn  his  towne  of  Muscouia  the  29  of 
January  1516. 

B6  Horsey,  p.  184. 


86  THE  MUSCOVY  C0:MPANY 

semsky  had  intimated  to  Elizabeth  that  the  closing  of  the 
northern  coasts  to  all  merchants  except  those  of  the  Eng- 
lish Company  constituted  a  rather  large  grant.  When  we 
remember  that  Narva  was  definitely  lost  to  Russia  in  1581, 
thus  closing  once  more  after  a  period  of  twenty-three  years 
the  Baltic  road  to  Russia,  the  exclusion  of  all  nations  but 
England  from  the  White  Sea  was  indeed  a  policy  of  ques- 
tionable wisdom  on  the  part  of  the  Russian  government. 
The  only  argument  advanced  in  Bowes'  instructions  for 
the  continuance  of  this  privilege  is  that  ' '  we  request  noth- 
ing therein  but  that  he  hath  allready  graunted  to  the  said 
company,  in  respect  of  the  great  charges  ther  {sic)  haue 
bene  at  in  finding  out  that  trade. ' '  ^^  English  privileges 
moreover  were  being  seriously  threatened  by  the  presence 
in  Russia  of  large  numbers  of  Dutch  merchants  "who  had 
intruded  themselves  to  trade  into  those  countries"  ^^  and 
who  had  by  questionable  means  won  several  powerful  no- 
bles to  their  cause.  Bowes  in  his  account  of  his  mission 
brings  charges  against  these  Dutch  traders  who  "besides 
dayly  gifts  that  they  bestow^ed  upon  them  all,  they  took  so 
much  money  of  theirs  at  interest  at  five  and  twenty  upon 
the  hundred,  as  they  payd  to  some  one  of  them  five  thou- 
sand marks  yeerely  for  the  use  of  his  money,  and  the 
English  merchants  at  that  time  had  not  one  friend  in 
Court.  "^» 

In  spite  of  the  difficult  prospect  Bowes  succeeded  in  se- 
curing from  Ivan  a  full  ratification  of  the  old  exclusive 
grant.  Payment  of  debts  due  to  the  merchants  was  prom- 
ised, as  well  as  the  restoration  of  certain  sums  which  had 

57  Tolstoy,  p.  203.  Copie  of  instructions  giuen  to  Sir  Jerome 
Boices. 

58  In  May,  1582,  complaint  was  made  in  a  memorial  to  the  Queen 
that  custom  had  been  collected  in  Russia  in  violation  of  the  Com- 
pany's privilege  and  that  "a  Dutche  merchant,  against  the  priui- 
ledges  graunted  to  her  subiects,  is  permitted  to  vse  trade  to  their 
great  hindrance  in   the  parts   priuiledged."     Tolstoy,   p.   194. 

59Hakluyt,  III,  317. 


THE  RUSSIAN  GOVERNMENT  87 

been  exacted  in  violation  of  their  privilege.^"  The  negotia- 
tions thus  auspiciously  begun,  however,  were  destined  to 
come  to  nothing.  In  the  words  of  the  ambassador,  "All 
these  were  granted,  .  .  .  the  olde  privilege  ratified, 
newly  written,  signed  and  sealed,  and  was  to  be  delivered 
to  the  ambassadour  at  his  next  comming  to  Court,  before 
when  the  Emperor  fell  sicke  of  a  surfet,  and  so  died. ' '  '^'^ 

The  death  of  Ivan  the  Terrible  is  an  event  of  great  sig- 
nificance in  the  history  of  the  Muscovy  Company.  In  spite 
of  a  brief  and  temporary  withdrawal  of  privileges  and  fre- 
quent threats  to  take  from  the  Company  its  exclusive  trad- 
ing rights  the  first  thirty  years  of  the  Company's  history, 
i.e.,  from  the  first  voyage  to  Ivan's  death,  show  a  fairly  con- 
sistent policy  of  friendship  and  protection  on  the  part  of 
the  Russian  government.  The  right  to  trade  all  over  Russia 
without  payment  of  duties  had  been  granted  in  1555 ;  the 
monopoly  of  the  trade  with  the  northern  coasts  had  been 
granted  in  1567 ;  the  monopoly  of  the  overland  trade  with 
Persia  had  been  granted  in  1569.  The  mission  of  Bowes 
shows  that  in  the  very  last  year  of  Ivan's  life  he  still  ad- 
hered to  the  policy  of  friendship  for  England  and  exclusive 
privilege  for  the  English  Company. 

Ivan's  death  dealt  the  prosperity  of  the  Company  a  blow 
from  which  it  never  fully  recovered.  The  blow  fell,  more- 
over, at  the  period  when  the  interest  of  English  adventur- 
ers was  turning  definitely  toward  the  west.  In  the  very 
year  of  the  Czar's  death  appeared  Ilakluyt's  "  Discourse 
on  Western  Planting."  In  this  work  the  poor  condition  of 
Russian  trade  is  advanced  as  an  argument  for  the  dis- 
covery of  new  fields  for  commercial  enterprise  in  America. 
Hakluyt  summarizes  the  Russian  situation  as  follows: 
"Our  trade  into  IMuscovye  .  .  .  stoode  them  in  four- 
score thousande  poundes  before  they  broughte  it  to  any 
goodd  passe.     And  nowe  after  longe  hope  of  ga\Tie,  the 

GO  Hakluyt,   III,  325. 


88  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

Hollanders,  as  also  the  men  of  Diepe,  are  entred  into  their 
trade  by  the  Emperours  permission;  yea,  whereas  at  the 
firste  our  men  paid  no  custome,  of  late  yeres,  contrarie  to 
their  firste  priviledge,  they  have  bene  urged  to  pay  yt. 
Also  the  ehardges  of  bringinge  the  Emperours  embassador 
hither,  and  mayneteyninge  him  here,  and  the  settings 
furthe  of  her  Majesties  embassador  thither  with  presentes 
to  the  Emperour,  lyenge  all  upon  the  poore  marehantes 
neckes,  is  no  easie  burden  unto  their  shoulders.  .  .  . 
And  nowe  the  Emperour  of  Russia  beinge  late  deade,  yt 
is  greately  feared  that  the  voyadge  wilbe  utterly  over- 
throwen,  or  els  become  not  worthe  the  eontynuance. ' '  ''^ 
The  immediate  result  of  the  death  of  Ivan  was  the  com- 
plete cessation  of  the  negotiations  which  Sir  Jerome  Bowes 
had  almost  brought  to  such  a  satisfactory  termination. 
It  seems  that  Bowes  had  made  many  enemies  among  the 
dignitaries  of  Ivan's  court.  Now  their  turn  had  come. 
The  amba.ssador  was  imprisoned  in  his  own  house  for  a 
period  of  nine  weeks  "and  was  so  straightly  guarded  and 
badly  used  by  those  that  attended  him,  as  he  dayly  sus- 
pected some  further  mischief e  to  have  followed. "  •^-  At  last 
he  was  brought  to  the  council  chamber  and  there  notified 
by  the  Chancellor  "that  this  Emperour  would  not  treat  of 
further  amity  with  the  Queene  his  mistresse. ' '  ^-  Boris, 
whose  influence  was  not  yet  strong  enough  to  allow  him  to 
declare  himself  openly,  gave  the  ambassador  to  undei'stand 
that  he  was  friendly  to  the  English  and  would  later  do  what 
he  could  to  remove  these  differences."^  Bowes  was  sent  to 
St.  Nicholas  and  there  set  sail  for  England  after  having 

61  Hakluyt's  "Discourse  on  Western  Planting,"  in  Collections  of 
the  Maine  Historical  Society,  second  series,  Vol.  II,  p.  16.  Cf. 
Carlile'a  statement  of  the  same  tenor  in  Hakluyt,  VIII,  pp.   134  ff. 

62  Hakluyt,  III,  326.  Ivan  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Feodor,  a 
weak-minded  prince,  during  whose  reign  (1584-1598)  actual  power 
was  in  the  hands  of  his  brother-in-law,  Boris  Gkidounof.  In  1598 
Boris   succeeded   to   the  throne. 

o^Ibid.,   Ill,   327. 


THE  RUSSIAN  GOVERNMENT  89 

issued  an  unsuccessful  call  upon  all  the  English  merchants 
to  accompany  him.*^^  The  agent  at  Kholmogory  wrote  to  the 
Company,  "Wolde  he  had  never  come  here  .  .  .  The 
Lorde  sende  vs  all  his  gi-ace. ' '  '^^ 

During  the  next  few  years  the  most  prominent  figure  in 
the  affairs  of  the  Company  was  Jerome  Horsey.  He  has 
left  u^  an  account  of  the  embassy  of  Bowes  in  which  he 
takes  credit  to  himself  for  the  ambassador 's  escape  with  his  ' 
life.^"  In  September,  1585,  Horsey  carried  a  letter  from 
Czar  Feodor  to  Elizabeth.**^  This  letter  indicates  that  the 
Company  had  lost  the  favor  of  the  Russian  government. 
The  chief  complaints  were  that  they  had  sold  goods  at  re- 
tail in  violation  of  their  privileges  and  had  also  handled 
"other  straungers  comodities  vnder  color  of  their  owne." 
Renewal  of  the  old  privilege  was  absolutely  refused.  The 
only  special  rights  they  were  to  enjoy  were  the  payment  of 
half  custom  and  possession  of  their  own  houses."^ 

Horsey 's  influence  is  clearly  indicated  by  his  success  in 
securing  a  new  grant  of  privilege  for  the  Company  within 
a  year  of  the  Czar's  written  refusal  and  in  spite  of  the 
strong  opposition  of  the  Chancellor.  For  this  grant  of 
1586  he  was  chiefly  indebted  to  the  friendship  of  Boris 
Godounof.  Horsey 's  own  account,  however,  grossly  exag- 
gerates the  importance  of  the  new  grant.  His  absurd  boast 
that  he  obtained  for  the  Company  "those  privileges  which 
in  twentie  yeeres  before  would  not  be  granted"*'®  is  abso- 
lutely disproved  by  a  careful  reading  of  the  grant  itself, 
which  was  not  nearly  so  generous  as  those  previously  granted 
by  Ivan  IV.  The  only  important  concession  was  the  restora- 
tion of  the  right  to  trade  all  over  the  Czar's  dominions 

04  Hakluyt,  III,  .328. 

65  Tolstoy,  p.  228. 

66  Horsey,  p.  205. 
67/6mZ./p.   210. 

68  This  letter  is  given  in  full  in  Tolstoy,  pp.  261-269. 

69  Hakluyt,   III,   346. 


90  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

without  the  payment  of  dutiesJ"  The  Company  is  pro- 
hibited from  engaging  in  retail  trade,  from  handling  "any 
other  mens  goods  but  their  owne, "'^  from  sending  their 
servants  to  England  overland  without  the  Emperor's 
knowledge,'-  and  from  employing  Russian  agents  to  sell 
their  goods."^  The  jurisdiction  of  the  Treasurer  of  State 
and  the  Secretary  of  Embassies  is  to  extend  to  all  cases  be- 
tween the  Company  and  Russian  subjects/*  No  monopoly 
right  is  mentioned,  either  of  the  Wliite  Sea  trade  or  of  the 
overland  route  to  Persia.'^ 

In  spite  of  Horsey 's  success  in  securing  the  new  privi- 
lege the  Company  had  reason  to  suspect  his  honesty  in  the 
handling  of  its  affairs.  The  embassy  of  Giles  Fletcher  in 
1588  was  partly  for  the  purpose  of  treating  with  the  new 
Emperor  about  the  matter  of  a  new  alliance,  partly  "for 
the  reestablishing  and  reducing  into  order  the  decaied  trade 
of  our  Englishmen  there. ' '  '^^  Fletcher  on  his  arrival  in 
Russia  found  the  Company  in  disfavor  and  their  privilege 
of  trade  "of  no  account. ' '  ' '  ]\Ioreover  a  league  between 
Russia,  Spain  and  the  Pope  was  in  contemplation,  a  circum- 
stance which  together  with  a  false  report  of  the  success  of 

ToHakluyt,  III,  34S-349. 
71  Ihid.,  Ill,  349. 
72/6irf.,  Ill,  352. 
■i^IUd.,  Ill,  349. 
74 /bid.,  Ill,  353. 

75  In  spite  of  the  apparent  definiteness  of  the  privilege  secured 
by  Horsey  and  the  inclusion  of  the  grant  in  Hakluyt  there  is  some 
reason  to  doubt  its  authenticity.  The  Company  in  presenting  com- 
plaints against  Horsey  a  few  years  later  said  among  other  things, 
"And  whereas  he,  by  vertue  of  her  Majesties  letters,  obtej'ned  and 
brought  over  with  him,  two  years  since,  a  graunt  of  privilidge  for  the 
Companie,  free  of  all  custome,  which  privilige  is  called  in  againe, 
and,  as  yt  is  said  by  her  Majesties  late  ambassador  (Fletcher),  was 
constantlie  affirmed  by  Andrea  Shalcan  to  be  either  never  graunted 
by  the  Emperoiir,  or  unorderlie  gotten  out  under  seale  .  .  ." — 
Russia  at  the  Close  of  the  Sixteenth  Century,  appendix  III,  p.  333. 

76  Hakluyt,  III,  353. 

''T  Russia  at  the  Close  of  the  Sixteenth  Century,  appendix  IV,  p. 
349.     Fletcher's  account  of   his   embassy. 


THE  RUSSIAN  GOVERNMENT  91 

the  Spanish  Armada  rendered  the  task  of  the  English  am- 
bassador doubly  difficult.  However,  Fletcher  soon  received 
news  of  the  English  victorj^  through  letters  from  Drake 
which  the  ambassador  "cawsed  to  bee  translated  into  the 
Russ  toongue  togeather  with  your  Highnes  oration  made 
to  the  armie  in  Essex,"  whereupon  "all  this  conceipt  of  a 
Spanish  league  vanished  away."  ''^ 

Fletcher  succeeded  in  overcoming  the  initial  difficulties 
and  managed  to  secure  from  the  Emperor  a  new  grant. 
A  claim  on  the  Company  to  the  amount  of  23,503  marks 
was  reduced  to  7,800  marks.'"  The  customs  exacted  the 
year  before  amounting  to  1840  marks  were  remitted.''^ 
The  Company  is  not  to  be  held  responsible  for  the  actions 
of  persons  save  those  whose  names  have  been  registered 
by  the  agent  in  the  office  of  the  Treasury.^**  Hereafter  the 
Company  is  not  to  be  under  the  office  of  the  Chancellor  (con- 
sistently their  enemy)  "but  pertein  to  the  office  of  the 
Treasurie,  so  that  they  may  appeal  to  the  Lord  Boris  Godo- 
nove  if  they  thinck  they  have  wrong. ' '  ^^  On  the  impor- 
tant question  of  the  payment  of  customs  all  that  Fletcher 
could  secure  was  that  "  half-eoustoom  is  claimed  hear- 
after."^^  Finally,  the  monopoly  of  the  route  to  Persia  is 
regranted,®^ — rather  an  empty  privilege  in  view  of  the  total 
discontinuance  of  the  overland  trade  with  that  country. 

In  the  letters  that  passed  between  Boris  Godounof  and 
Lord  Burghley  during  the  next  few  years  the  Russian  min- 

Ts  Russia  at  the  Close  of  the  Sixteenth  Century,  pp.  346-347. 

T9/6i(/.,  p.  349. 

so  Ibid.,  p.   350. 

81  Russia  at  the  Close  of  the  Sixteenth  Century,  appendix  IV,  p. 
350.  The  privilege  is  printed  in  full  in  Hakluyt,  III,  pp.  353-356. 
On  the  question  of  duties  this  document  is  silent.  Just  when  entire 
freedom  from  customs  was  restored  it  is  difficult  to  say,  but  a  letter 
from  Feodor  to  Elizabeth  in  1501  says,  ".  .  .  we  have  been 
gratyous  to  your  marchaunts  and  geoven  theyme  libertie  to  trade 
into  our  kingdome  withoute  payinge  any  custome." — Russia  at  the 
Close  of  the  Sixteenth  Century,  introd.  p.  cxvii. 


92  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

ister  gives  repeated  expression  of  his  good  will  to  the  Eng- 
lish merchants.  A  new  grant  of  privilege  dated  7104 
(i.e.,  1596)  contains  the  significant  statement  that  it  was 
granted  by  ''our  princely  Majestie  at  the  request  of  our 
brother  in  lawe  Boris  Feodorowich  Godenova  our  serv- 
ant. ' '  ®"  This  lengthy  document  does  not  differ  in  any  im- 
portant feature  from  the  previous  grant  to  Fletcher  ex- 
cept that  freedom  from  all  payment  of  customs  is  this  time 
specifically  included,^^  and  that  cases  between  English  mer- 
chants are  to  be  heard  and  determined  by  the  Chancellor.^* 
The  vigorous  and  exclusive  manner  in  which  officials  are 
called  upon  to  follow  to  the  letter  the  requirements  of  the 
grant  would  seem  to  indicate  that  previous  grants  had  not 
been  strictly  enforced.  The  document  closes  with  the  strik- 
ing  sentence,  ' '  And  whosoever  shall  withstand  &  not  regard 
these  our  gracious  letters  shalbe  in  our  high  displeasure, 
and  shal  ineurre  the  losse  of  his  life. ' '  ^^ 

Two  years  after  this  grant  Czar  Feodor  died  (1598)  and 
his  brother-in-law  Boris  Godounof ,  ' '  Protector  of  the  Eng- 
lish,"  succeeded  to  the  throne.  This  involved  no  change  of 
policy  toward  the  English  merchants,  as  Boris  had  prac- 
tically been  in  control  of  affairs  during  most  of  the  reign 
of  his  predecessor.  In  1600  the  embassy  of  Gregory  ]\Iikou- 
leve  to  Elizabeth  brought  the  century  to  a  close  with  a  con- 
firmation of  the  friendship  established  between  the  two 
nations  in  1554.  Despite  repeated  assurances  of  friend- 
ship, however,  there  is  no  indication  of  any  renewal  of  the 
Company's  monopoly  of  the  AVhite  Sea  trade  after  the 
death  of  Ivan  the  Terrible. 

82Hakluyt,    III,    439. 
83/feiU,    III,    440. 
Si  Ibid.,  Ill,  444. 
s5lUd.,  Ill,  445. 


CHAPTER  V 

TRADE   AND   EXPLORATION 

A.     The  Nature  aiid  Extent  of  the  Company's  Trade. 

The  first  agents  sent  by  the  Company  to  reside  in  Russia 
were  directed  to  "diligently  leame  and  observe  all  kinde 
of  wares,  as  wel  naturals  as  forrein,  that  be  beneficiall  for 
this  Realme,  to  be  sold  for  the  benefit  of  the  company,  and 
what  kinde  of  our  commodities  and  other  things  of  these 
West  partes  bee  most  vendible  in  those  Realms  with  profite, 
giving  a  perfect  advise  of  all  such  things  requisite. "  ^  In 
other  words  a  systematic  investigation  of  what  sort  of  im- 
port and  export  trade  might  with  most  advantage  be  en- 
tered upon  was  undertaken  by  the  Company  in  the  very 
year  of  its  incorporation.  On  September  11,  1555,  the 
agents  arrived  at  Vologda.^  Two  months  later  Killing- 
worth  sent  to  the  Company  a  detailed  account  of  his  experi- 
ences and  observations.^  It  was  of  course  impossible  in 
such  a  short  time  to  have  reached  any  final  conclusions  as 
to  the  most  advantageous  sorts  of  commerce  to  develop. 
Kiilingworth  takes  the  ground  that  the  Company's  efforts 
should  be  directed  toward  securing  general  privileges;  ex- 
periment is  the  only  means  of  ascertaining  what  trades  will 
pay.  "And  thus  may  we  continue  three  or  foure  yeeres, 
and  in  this  space  we  shall  know  the  countrey  and  the  mar- 
chants,  and  which  way  to  save  our  selves  best,  and  where  to 
plant  our  houses,  and  where  to  seeke  for  wares. ' '  *  The 
subsequent  correspondence  between  the  Company  and  its 
agents  furnishes  a  model  of  business-like  co-operation. 

iHakluyt,  II,  284. 
2  lUd.,  II,  291. 
HUd.,  II,  291  ff. 
4/6td.,  II,  296. 

93 


9-4  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

Of  the  articles  imported  by  the  Museovy  Company  the 
most  important  was  without  question  cordage.  To  avoid 
the  heavy  charges  involved  in  the  transportation  of  the  raw 
hemp  the  Company  as  early  as  1557  arranged  for  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  rope  industry  in  Russia.  Seven  rope- 
makers  were  sent  out  in  that  year  and  the  agents  instructed 
to  arrange  a  place  for  them  at  Kholmogory  or  Vologda,-^  to 
assign  an  overseer  "to  see  the  deliverie  of  the  stuffe  un- 
wrought,  as  also  to  take  charge  of  the  stuffe  wrought,  &  to 
foresee  that  neither  the  yarne  be  burnt  in  tarring,  nor  the 
hempe  rotted  in  the  watering. ' '  ^  Provision  was  to  be 
made  for  the  training  of  other  workmen  in  this  industry 
to  carry  it  on  Avhen  the  English  w^orkmen  should  return 
home.  The  letter  sums  up  the  importance  of  the  trade 
in  cordage  in  the  clause,  "for  we  esteeme  it  a  principal 
commoditie,  and  that  the  Counsel  of  England  doth  well 
allowe. ' '  ^ 

"Traine  oyle, "  i.e.,  sperm  oil,  was  also  from  the  first 
an  important  import.  In  fact  oil,  tallow,  wax,  flax  and 
cordage  constituted  by  far  the  greatest  part  of  the  goods 
carried  in  the  Company's  ships  from  Russia  to  England. 
In  1557  the  agents  were  definitely  directed  to  see  that  the 
"chief est  lading  ...  be  principally  in  wexe,  flaxe. 
tallow  and  traine  oyle,"  the  letter  continuing  "for  wee  doe 
purpose  to  ground  our  selves  chiefly  upon  these  commodi- 
ties, as  wexe,  cables  and  ropes,  traine  03'le,  flaxe  and  some 
linen  yarne.^  In  1560  the  Company  wrote,  "The  wares 
that  we  would  have  you  provide  against  the  coming  of  the 
shippes  are,  Waxe,  Tallowe,  trayne  Oyles,  Flaxe,  Cables 
and  Ropes,  and  Furres,  such  as  we  have  written  to  you  for 
in  our  last  letters  by  the  shippes."  ^     That  in  the  last  dec- 

5  The  agents  finally  decided  upon  Kholmogory.     Hakluyt,  II,  393. 
eHakluyt,  II,  381. 
T  Ibid.,  il,  382. 
sibid.,   II,   403. 


TRADE  AND  EXPLORATION  95 

ade  of  the  century  these  were  still  the  chief  articles  brought 
to  England  by  the  Company  is  indicated  by  a  letter  writ- 
ten in  1595  by  Francis  Cherry,  an  agent  of  the  Company, 
in  which  he  says,  "There  is  yearly  brought  into  the  realm, 
and  that  without  any  contradiction  of  any  prince  or  poten- 
tate, tallow,  wax,  flax,  train  oils,  buff  hides,  cow  hides,  cord- 
age and  hemp,  and  this  present  last  year  was  there  re- 
turned 9000£  worth  of  cordage."  « 

One  would  expect  the  trade  in  furs  to  have  furnished  one 
of  the  Company's  most  lucrative  sources  of  profit.  The 
discouraging  attitude  of  the  government,  however,  pre- 
vented the  free  development  of  this  branch  of  the  Com- 
pany's trade.  In  1557  a  "Skinner"  Avas  sent  "to  viewe 
and  see  such  furres  as  you  shall  cheape  or  buye."  ^^  The 
Company  warned  the  agents,  however,  that  it  desired  "no 
great  plentie, ' ' "  exception  being  made  only  in  the  case 
of  "marterns"  and  "minnivers,"  "otherwise  called  Letis 
and  Mynkes."^*'  The  direction  adds,  "As  for  Sables  and 
other  rich  Furres,  they  bee  not  every  mans  money:  there- 
fore you  may  send  the  fewer,  using  partly  the  discretion  of 
the  skinner  in  that  behalfe."  "  A  few  years  later  (1560) 
the  agents  received  word  to  curtail  still  further  the  expor- 
tation of  furs  from  Russia :  "for  now  there  is  a  Proclama- 
tion made  that  no  furres  shall  be  worne  here,  but  such  as 
the  like  is  growing  here  wdthin  this  our  Realme.  "^-  An- 
other letter  of  the  same  year  says,  "As  for  Allard  the 
skinner,  if  you  thinke  good,  he  may  come  home  in  these 
shippes. "  ^^  A  tone  of  regretful  reminiscence  is  discern- 
ible in  Camden's  reference  to  "rich  Furrs  of  Sables,  Lu- 
serns,  and  others,  which  at  that  time  and  in  former  Ages 

oHatfipld    House    MSS.    V,    4C2-3. 

10  Hakluyt,  II,  382. 

11  Ihid.,  II,  381. 
^^Ihid.,  II,  403. 
i3/5«Z.,  II,  409. 


96  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

were  in  great  request  amongst  the  English,  both  for  their 
Ornament  and  Wholesomness. "  ^'^ 

The  heavy  charges  which  we  have  already  mentioned  as 
the  cause  of  the  discontinuance  of  the  importation  of  raw 
hemp  from  Russia  had  a  similar  effect  in  the  case  of  masts, 
tar  and  feathers, — "they  would  not  beare  the  charges 
.  .  .  considering  our  deere  f raight. ' '  ^^  This  was  not 
true  of  the  less  bulky  and  more  valuable  silks  and  spices 
which  came  to  be  included  in  the  Company's  cargoes  after 
the  establishment  by  Anthony  Jenkinson  of  the  overland 
route  to  Persia,  a  temporary  phase  of  the  Company's  trad- 
ing activity  which  was  not  destined  to  fulfill  the  promise 
of  its  early  years. 

As  cordage  was  the  Muscovy  Company's  chief  article  of 
import  so  English  cloth  constituted  the  chief  staple  of  its 
export  trade.  Russia  presented  a  new  market  for  this 
greatest  of  English  commodities.  The  Company's  corre- 
spondence which  has  come  down  to  us  is  much  less  explicit 
and  detailed  on  the  question  of  exportations  from  England 
than  on  that  of  importations  from  Russia.  It  is  possible 
that  there  was  less  need  for  elaborate  directions  on  that 
side  of  the  question,  since  the  problem  of  what  English 
wares  could  be  best  disposed  of  in  Russia  presented  fewer 
difficulties  than  the  question  of  what  Russian  products 
would  be  most  profitable  to  import.  Suffice  it  to  say  that 
the  chief  part  of  the  outgoing  cargoes  was  made  up  of 
cloths  of  various  sorts  and  colors.  There  was  also  some 
pewter  exported,^*'  and,  as  we  have  mentioned  in  another 
connection,  probably  large  quantities  of  munitions  of 
war.^'^ 

In  the  absence  of  the  Company's  records  the  question  of 

the  extent  of  its  trade  and  the  amount  of  its  profits  pre- 

14  Caniden,  p.    102. 
isHakluyt,  II,  382. 

16  Ibid.,  II,  380. 

17  Supra,   p.   59. 


TRADE  AND  EXPLORATION  97 

sents  numerous  and  serious  difficulties.  All  that  we  shall 
attempt  in  this  place  is  to  cite  a  few  scattered  references 
from  various  sources  which  may  be  considered  as  suggestive 
though  not  in  any  sense  conclusive. 

The  number  of  ships  sent  out  annually  by  the  Company 
may  be  said  to  furnish  a  fair  index  of  the  condition  of  its 
trade.  In  1555  two  vessels,  the  Edward  Bonaventure  and 
the  Philip  and  Maiy,  were  sent  out.^^  We  have  evidence  to 
show  that  in  1556  ^^  and  1557  -°  fleets  of  four  vessels  were 
sent  out  by  the  Company  to  the  AVhite  Sea.  That  cargoes 
were  also  sent  out  in  1558  and  1559  is  clearly  indicated  by 
the  fact  that  the  venture  of  1560  is  referred  to  as  the  Com- 
pany 's  seventh  voyage ;  -^  in  that  year  the  fleet  consisted  of 
three  vessels.  By  1565  there  had  been  no  increase  in  the 
number  of  ships  engaged  in  the  Russian  trade  if  we  can 
judge  by  the  official  statement  to  the  Danish  ambassador 
tliat  "not  past  two  or  three  vessels  go  yearly  to  Musco- 
vie. ' ' "     In  1570,  however,  a  fleet  of  thirteen  vessels  was 

isITakluyt,   IT,   281,   28G. 

10  In  Nov.,  IS.'SS,  the  Edward  Bonavcnlure  and  the  Philip  and  Mary 
rolnrnod  to  Eii^land  bringinj^  witli  tliem  the  Bo7ia  Hperanza  and 
tlie  Cvnfidenlia  (Cal.  S.  P.  Venetian,  155.5-15,56,  p.  240).  In  May, 
1550),  the  i^earchlhrift  was  sent  out  from  London  on  a  voyage  of  ex- 
ploration to  the  Northeast  under  the  command  of  Stephen  Bur- 
rough.  Hurrougli  tells  us  tliat  the  Scarchthrift  set  out  in  com- 
pany with  tlie  Edward  Bonaventure  (Hakluyt,  II,  323).  The  Philip 
and  Mary,  tlie  Bona  Hperansa  and  the  Confidentia  must  also  have 
gone  to  Russia  at  this  time  as  in  the  fall  of  the  same  year  these 
three  vessels  left  Russia  with  the  Edward  Bonaventure,  the  Philip 
and  Mary  alone  surviving  this  return  voyage  (Hakluyt,  II,  351). 
In  1556,  therefore,  the  Company  sent  four  vessels  to  Russia  ex- 
clusive of  the  t^carchihrift. 

20  In  1557  Jenkinson  was  sent  with  the  Primrose,  the  John  Evan- 
gelist, the  Anne  and  the  Trinity.  This  was  tlie  fleet  that  carried 
Napea  back  to  Russia    (Hakluyt,   II,  375). 

21  Hakluyt,  TI,  401.  In  numbering  the  voyages  the  trip  of  Wil- 
loughby  and  Chancellor  in  1553  is  counted  as  the  first,  that  of  1555 
as  the  second,  and  thereafter  annually. 

22  Cal.  S.  P.   (Foreign)    1564-1565,  p.  279. 


98  THE  MUSCOVY  COIMPANY 

sent  by  the  Company  to  Narva.-^  The  northern  route  to 
St.  Nicholas  was  by  no  means  given  up;  in  fact  in  1582  a 
fleet  of  eleven  ships  was  sent  out  by  the  Company  to  the 
Wliite  Sea.'*  This  increase,  however,  was  not  destined  to 
be  permanent.  The  loss  of  Nan^a  to  Rus.sia,  followed  a 
few  years  later  by  the  death  of  Ivan  the  Terrible  and  the 
loss  to  the  Company  of  its  exclusive  privileges  in  Russia, 
probably  explain  the  poor  state  of  the  trade  which  marked 
the  close  of  the  century.  Whatever  the  cause,  in  1591  only 
five  ships  were  sent  out.-^  Nor  is  there  any  indication  of 
a  revival  of  the  Company's  prosperity. 

The  wealth  of  the  Company  is  even  more  difficult  to  esti- 
mate than  the  extent  of  its  trade.  Horsey  says  that  in 
1581  the  Company's  stock  in  Russia  was  worth  at  least 
one  hundred  thousand  marks  sterling  (66,666f£).^' 
The  burning  of  the  Company's  warehouse  in  Moscow  was 
said  to  have  involved  the  loss  of  ten  thousand  rubles 
(6000£).-'  Government  contracts  to  the  amount  of  3000£ 
and  4000£  do  not  seem  to  have  been  unusual.-^  In  1597 
the  government's  debts  to  the  Company  amounted  to  almost 
14,000£.-"  Fragmentary  and  isolated  items  of  debit, 
credit,  expense  or  lo.ss,  however,  give  little  indication  of 
the  actual  condition  of  the  Company's  affairs.  Its  im- 
poverished state  shortly  after  the  close  of  our  period  is  in- 
dicated by  the  fact  that  in  the  next  century  the  poverty  of 
the  Muscovy  Company  had  passed  into  a  proverb.  In  the 
records  of  the  East  India  Company  for  1639  we  find  this 
significant  expression,  ''For  if  the  debt  be  not  lessened  it 

23  Hakluvt.  Ill,  167. 

24  75iV/.,  Ill,  303. 

25Cal.  vS.  P.   (Domestic)   1591-1594,  p.  30. 

26  Horsey,  p.  184. 

27  Hakluyt,  III,  183.  The  computation  here  made  is  on  the  basis 
of  12  s.  to  "a  ruble.     Cf.  Hakluyt,  II,  391. 

28Cal.  S.  P.  (Foreign)  1566-1568,  p.  462;  Cal.  S.  P.  (Domestic) 
1581-1590,  p.  467. 

29  Hatfield  House  MSS.  VII,  p.  484. 


TRADE  AND  EXPLORATION  99 

will  coiLsume  the  [East  India]  Company  and  bring  them 
a  'Muscovia  reckoning'  "l^" 

B.     The  Company's  Exploring  Activities. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  one  of  the  original  purposes 
of  this  Company  had  been  the  discovery  of  a  passage  to  the 
Indies."*^  While  the  accidental  establishment  of  a  means  of 
communication  with  the  northern  coasts  of  Russia  unques- 
tionably centered  the  thought  and  activity  of  the  Com- 
pany on  the  development  of  trade  relations  with  that  coun- 
try the  original  idea  was  by  no  means  given  up.  That 
neither  the  government  nor  the  Company  regarded  the 
work  of  the  latter  as  having  been  completed  with  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Russian  trade  is  clearly  indicated  by  the 
charter  of  1555,  which  besides  granting  a  monopoly  of  this 
trade  specifically  conferred  on  the  Company  the  exclusive 
enjoyment  of  any  other  trades  it  might  establish  to  the 
north,  northeast  or  northwest.^^  This  provision,  evidently 
looking  toward  the  continuance  of  the  Company's  original 
plans  of  exploration,  was  repeated  in  the  charter  of  1566.^^ 

As  early  as  1556  we  have  record  of  a  serious  attempt 
being  made  by  the  Company  to  continue  the  interrupted 
search  for  a  northeast  passage.  Stephen  Burrough,  "ma.s- 
ter  of  the  Pinnesse  called  the  Searchthrift/'  was  the  hero 
of  this  adventure,  of  which  he  has  left  us  a  full  account. 
Burrough  had  been  master  of  the  Edward  Bonaventure 
on  its  first  outward  voyage  under  Chancellor  in  1553.^* 

The  Searchthrift  departed  from  London  on  Thursday, 
April  23,  1556.35  Tj^g  following  Monday  Sebastian  Cabot 
came  aboard  at  Gravesend  and  wished  the  voyagers  God- 
speed.^^     In  company  with  the  Edward  Bonaventure  the 

30  Court  Minutes  of  the  East  India  Company,  1C35-1639,  p.  306. 

31  Supra,  p.  2  ff. 

32  Hakluyt,  II,  316. 
83  Ibid.,  "ill,   85. 
s*Ibid.,  II,  213. 
silbid.,  II,  322. 


100  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

Scarchthrift  sailed  across  the  North  Sea.^**  On  May  23  the 
North  Cape  (so  named  by  Burrough  on  the  first  voyage) 
was  passed. ^^  Soon  afterward  the  Searchthrift  separated 
from  the  Bonaventure  which  proceeded  on  its  w.ay  to  the 
White  Sea:  "at  eight  of  the  clocke,  we  heard  a  piece  of 
ordinance,  which  was  out  of  the  Edward,  which  bade  us 
farewell,  and  then  we  shot  off  another  piece,  and  bade  her 
farewell:  wee  could  not  one  see  the  other,  because  of  the 
thicke  miste."  ^^ 

The  Searchthrift  pursued  its  way  alone  along  the  north- 
ern coast  of  Russian  Lapland.  A  few  days  after  the 
separation  from  the  Edward  it  put  into  the  safe  harbor 
afforded  by  the  mouth  of  the  Kola  River.^^  It  was  not 
until  June  22  that  the  cessation  of  northerly  winds  per- 
mitted them  to  put  out  to  sea  again.^^  During  this  delay 
the  explorers  noticed  a  large  number  of  small  RiLSsian  boats 
coming  down  the  river  on  their  way  to  Pechora  to  fish 
for  morse  and  salmon.  ''And  amongst  the  rest,  there  was 
one  of  them  whose  name  was  Gabriel,"  who  showed  much 
friendship  toward  the  Englishmen,  and  informed  them 
that  with  a  fair  wind  they  might  reach  the  river  Pechora 
in  seven  or  eight  days.'*"  He  promised  to  act  as  pilot  and 
give  warning  of  shoals;  "as  hee  did  indeede,"  adds  Bur- 
rough. 

The  English  vessel  now  pursued  its  voyage  in  company 
with  the  Russian  boats.  They  stayed  close  to  the  shore, 
saved  from  the  shoals  by  the  advice  of  their  friendly  guide. 
Near  the  entrance  of  the  "White  Sea  much  time  was  lost  by 
the  recurrence  of  stormy  weather.  By  July  8,  however, 
they  had  sailed  past  the  entrance  of  the  AVhite  Sea  and  had 
sighted  the  headland  "which  is  called  Caninoz"    (Cape 

36Hakluyt,    II,    323. 

3-!  Ihid.,  il,  325. 

38/6if7.,  II,  326. 

39  76id.,   II,   331. 

iolMd.,  II,  328.  "  'I 


TRADE  AND  EXPLORATION  101 

Kanin).*^  From  this  point  Burrough  found  himself  in 
regions  hitherto  unsailed  by  any  Englishman.  On  the 
14th  the  island  called  "Dolgoieve"  (Kolguev)  was 
sighted.*-  The  next  day  the  Scarchthrift  sailed  over  the 
bar  of  Pechora/-  Burrough  being  the  first  Englishman  to 
visit  the  mouth  of  that  river.  On  the  20th  they  recrossed 
the  bar  and  resumed  their  hazardous  journey  toward  the 
northeast. 

The  next  day,  July  21st,  the  English  ship  was  almost 
destroyed  by  icebergs.  "We  thought  that  we  had  seen 
land  ...  "  writes  Burrough,  "which  afterwards 
proved  to  be  a  monstrous  heape  of  ice.  Within  little  more 
than  halfe  an  houre  after  we  first  saw  this  ice,  we  were 
inclosed  within  it  before  we  were  aware  of  it,  which  was  a 
f earfull  sight  to  see :  for,  for  the  space  of  sixe  houres,  it  was 
as  much  as  we  could  doe  to  keepe  our  shippe  aloofe  from 
one  heape  of  ice,  and  beare  roomer  from  another.  .  .  . 
The  next  day  we  were  again  troubled  by  the  ice. ' '  '^^  For 
this  time,  however,  the  danger  was  escaped  and  on  July 
25,  "S.  James  his  day,"  the  exploring  party  came  upon 
several  islands.**  Near  one  they  cast  anchor  and  made  a 
landing,  naming  it  "S.  James  his  Island"  in  honor  of  the 
day.**  According  to  Burrough 's  statement  of  the  latitude 
(70°  42')  this  must  have  been  one  of  the  small  islands  off 
the  coast  of  Nova  Zembla.- 

On  July  31  the  Searchthrift  came  to  anchor  "among  the 
Islands  of  Vaigats"  *^  (Waigatz),  probably  in  the  strait 
which  separates  Nova  Zembla  from  Waigatz.  During  the 
month  of  August  little  or  no  progress  was  made.  Bur- 
rough has  left  us,  however,  an  interesting  record  of  his 
observations  in  these  regions,  particularly  of  the  relics  of 

4iHakluyt,   IT,    333. 

42  Ibid.,  il,  334. 

43  lUd.,  II,  335. 
44/6id.,  II,  336. 
45/?>icZ.,  II,  337. 


102  THE  MUSCOVY  COIVIPANY 

the  absent  natives,  the  Samoeds.  He  saw  a  large  number 
of  their  idols,  "in  number  above  300,  the  worst  and  the 
most  unartificiall  worke  that  ever  I  saw :  the  eyes  and 
mouthes  of  sundrie  of  them  were  bloodie,  they  had  the 
shape  of  men,  women  and  children,  very  grosly  wrought 
.  .  .  some  of  their  idols  were  an  olde  sticke  with  two  or 
three  notches,  made  with  a  knife  in  it  .  .  .  and  be- 
fore certaine  of  their  idols  blocks  were  made  as  high  as 
their  mouths,  being  all  bloody,  I  thought  that  to  be  the 
table  whereon  they  offered  their  sacrifice. "  *^  A  Russian 
who  was  with  the  party  told  Burrough  that  these  Samoeds 
did  not  live  in  houses  but  "onely  tents  made  of  Deers 
skins,  which  they  underproppe  with  stakes  and  poles,"  also 
that  "their  knowledge  is  very  base,  for  they  know  no  let- 
ter. ' '  *^  This  Russian,  whose  name  was  Loshak,  offered  to 
accompany  the  English  party  toward  the  river  Obi.*^ 

On  August  5,  however,  the  approach  of  "a  terrible  heape 
of  ice"  induced  the  voyagers  "with  all  speed  possible  to 
depart  from  thence. ' '  *^  They  changed  their  course  to  the 
west  and  for  the  following  week  were  pursued  by  fright- 
ful storms  along  the  northern  and  western  coasts  of  Wai- 
gatz.  "The  ice  came  in  so  abundantly  about  us,"  writes 
Burrough  on  August  7,  ".  .  .  that  it  was  a  fearefuU 
sight  to  behold :  the  storme  continued  with  snow,  rain,  and 
hayle  plenty. ' '  *^  On  August  12  they  came  to  anchor  off 
the  southwest  corner  of  the  island. 

On  Saturday,  August  22,  the  bad  weather  abated.  The 
perils  they  had  so  barely  escaped  and  despair  of  discover- 
ing "any  more  to  the  Eastward  this  yeere"  led  Burrough 
to  give  up  the  attempt  for  that  time.  He  mentions  three 
causes  for  this  decision:  the  continual  northerly  winds, 
"which  have  moe  power  after  a  man  is  past  to  the  East- 

46  Hakluyt,  II,  338. 
4T  Hid.,  11,  339. 
isiiid.,  II,  340. 


TRADE  AND  EXPLORATION  103 

wards  of  Caninoze  (Cape  Kanin)  then  in  any  place  that  I 
doe  know  in  these  Northerly  regions;"  the  abundance  of 
ice, — "I  adventured  already  somewhat  too  farre  in  it,  but 
I  thanke  God  for  my  safe  deliverance  from  it;"  and  the 
darkening  of  the  nights  wdth  the  approach  of  winter.*^ 
"And  therefore,"  says  Burrough,  "I  resolved  to  take  the 
first  best  wind  that  God  should  send,  and  plie  towards 
the  Bay  of  S.  Nicholas."  *»  On  the  24th  they  were  off  the 
coast  of  Kolguev  once  more.^"  By  the  29th  Cape  Kanin 
had  been  reached.^"  Two  days  later  the  Searchthrift 
doubled  that  cape  and  entered  the  White  Sea.^^  On  Sep- 
tember 11  the  party  landed  at  Kholmogory.^^  The  voyage 
was  finished. 

Burrough  expected  to  make  another  attempt  the  fol- 
lowing summer.  Other  business,  however,  prevented.^^ 
AYe  may  say  of  his  voyage  that  while  it  is  of  interest  as  in- 
dicating the  intention  of  the  IMuscovy  Company  to  pursue 
its  exploring  activities  even  after  the  establishment  of  its 
Russian  trading  rights  it  was  not  of  much  actual  benefit 
either  to  the  Company  or  to  the  English  nation.  It  did, 
however,  clearly  indicate  the  tremendous  difficulties  con- 
nected with  any  attempt  to  discover  a  northeast  passage. 

Between  1556  and  1568  there  is  no  definite  record  of  any 
systematic  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Company  to  explore 
the  seas  east  of  Cape  Kanin.  This  is  probably  to  be  ex- 
plained, in  part  at  least,  by  the  attempts  made  during  that 
period  to  reach  Cathay  by  an  overland  route.  "We  have 
already  seen  that  in  1558  Anthony  Jenkinson  set  out  from 
LIoscow  on  that  enterprise.  He  crossed  the  Caspian  and 
penetrated  Asia  as  far  as  Bokhara.  Cathay,  of  course,  he 
failed  to  reach,  but  he  did  establish  for  the  Company  a 
trade  with  Persia.     The  monopoly  of  this  trade  remained 

49Hakluyt,  II,  342. 
50  md.,  II,   343. 
5^  Ibid.,  II,   341. 


104  THE  MUSCOVY  COIVIPANY 

for  many  years  one  of  the  Company 's  most  cherished  privi- 
leges. It  was  realized,  however,  that  the  original  problem, 
the  discovery  of  a  new  route  to  China  and  India,  was  still 
unsolved. 

Of  the  exploration  planned  in  1568  no  positive  record  has 
come  down  to  us.  All  that  we  know  is  that  at  that  time 
a  voyage  of  exploration  to  the  northeast  was  definitely  ar- 
ranged for  and  its  leaders  appointed.  We  have  copies  of 
their  instructions.  The  subsequent  silence  of  the  records 
may  possibly  indicate  the  suspension  of  the  plan  at  the  last 
moment.  A  disastrous  outcome  suggests  itself  as  the  other 
possible  solution. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  in  1568  Thomas  Randolph 
was  Elizabeth's  ambassador  to  Ivan  IV  and  that  he  had 
been  accompanied  to  Russia  by  two  special  agents  of  the 
Company,  Thomas  Bannister  and  Goeffrey  Duckett.^^  On 
August  12,  the  agents  in  a  letter  to  Cecil  concerning  the 
Company's  affairs  in  Russia  state  their  intention  of  ap- 
pointing "Bassington  (sic)  with  two  mariners  and  inter- 
preters" to  explore  toward  the  northeast.^^  Evidently 
mindful  of  Burrough  's  account  of  the  Russian  boats  he  had 
met  on  his  voyage  the  agents  decided  to  send  the  explorers 
out  this  time  in  a  Russian  vessel  "which  will  be  done  at 
a  small  cost  and  ...  to  more  purpose  than  if  two 
barks  should  be  sent  out. ' '  ^^  The  voyagers  are  '  *  to  pass 
from  Pechoray  .  .  .  with  the  first  open  water  in  the 
spring  along  the  coast  eastward  for  the  trial  of  the  north- 
east passage."  ^^ 

The  commission  had  been  drawn  up  by  Randolph  and  the 
agents  on  August  Ist.^*     It  appoints  James  Bassendine, 

52  Supra,  p.   64. 

53Cal.  S.  P.    (Foreign)    1566-1568,  p.  518. 

54Hakluyt's  date  of  1588  (Hakluyt,  III,  119)  is  manifestly  an 
error.  The  period  of  Randolph's  embassy  fixes  the  date  as  1568. 
The  position  of  the  document  in  Hakluyt  among  other  documents 
of  the  same  period  would  seem  to  indicate  that  "1588"  was  a  slip. 


TEADE  AND  EXPLORATION  105 

James  Woodcocke  and  Richard  Browne  "joj^ntly  together, 
and  aiders,  the  one  of  them  to  the  other,  in  a  voyage  of 
discovery  to  be  made  (by  the  grace  of  God)  by  them,  for 
searching  of  the  sea,  and  border  of  the  coast,  from  the  river 
Pechora,  to  the  Eastwards. ' '  °^  Bassendine  and  his  com- 
panions were  instructed  to  sail  directly  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Pechora,  "where  is  an  island  called  Dolgoieve."  ^^ 
Thence  they  were  to  sail  to  the  eastward,  keeping  close  to 
the  coast  until  they  should  reach  the  river  Obi.^''  They 
were  not  to  enter  that  river,  however,  but  to  sail  past  its 
mouth,  keeping  ever  in  sight  of  land  until  the  approach  of 
winter  should  compel  them  to  return,  "which  travell  may 
well  be  300  or  400  leagues  to  the  Eastwards  of  the  Ob,  if 
the  Sea  doe  reach  so  farre  as  our  hope  is  it  doth."  ^"^  Care- 
ful observations  of  latitude  and  coast  configurations  were 
to  be  made  and  soundings  taken  at  frequent  intervals.^^ 
A  full  record  was  to  be  kept  "of  all  such  things  as  shall 
fall  out  worth  the  knowledge,  not  forgetting  to  write  it, 
and  note  it,  that  it  may  be  shewed  and  read  at  your  re- 
turne. "  ^^ 

The  directions  contained  in  the  articles  of  commission 
evidence  an  absolute  ignorance  of  the  vast  stretch  of  Si- 
berian coast  that  would  have  to  be  passed  before  the  dream 
of  a  northeast  passage  should  become  a  reality.  The  hope 
is  expressed  "that  the  said  border  of  land  and  sea  doth 
in  short  space  after  you  passe  the  Ob,  incline  East,  and  so 
to  the  Southwards. ' '  ^^  The  difficulty  they  anticipated  was 
not  the  three  thousand  miles  of  Arctic  coast  but  was  based 
on  the  curious  fear  that  this  coast  might  be  found  "to  in- 
cline and  trend  to  the  Northwards,  and  so  joyne  with  Nova 
Zerabla,  making  the  sea  from  Vaigats  to  the  Eastwards  but 
a  bay"!^^ 

soHakluyt,  III,  119. 

56/6id.,   Ill,    120. 

^T  Ibid.,  Ill,   122-123. 

^»lbid.,  Ill,  123.  59  Ibid.,  Ill,   121. 


106  THE  MUSCOVY  COIVIPANY 

Instructions  given  by  the  Company  on  the  occasion  of 
their  next  attempt  are  entirely  silent  on  the  subject  of 
Bassendine  and  his  companions.  This  would  seem  to  indi- 
cate that  the  plan  of  1568,  even  in  the  event  of  its  having 
been  undertaken,  had  led  to  no  useful  result.  1580  is  the 
date  of  the  next  venture  of  which  we  have  any  definite 
knowledge.  This  time  the  most  elaborate  preparations 
were  made  not  merely  for  an  investigation  of  the  coast 
east  of  the  Obi  but  for  the  actual  discovery  of  Cathay  by 
way  of  the  northeast.  Arthur  Pet  and  Charles  Jackman 
were  placed  in  charge  of  the  voyage,  their  commission  be- 
ing dated  May  20,  1580.'^°  Their  vessels,  the  George  and 
the  William,  then  lying  in  the  Thames,  were  provisioned 
for  two  and  a  half  years."^  Interest  in  the  voyage  was 
widespread.  Besides  the  elaborate  directions  contained  in 
the  commission,  William  Burrough  wrote  the  leaders  of  the 
enterprise  a  letter  full  of  detailed  advice."^  "Master 
Dee,"  probably  John  Dee,  the  mathematician  and  astrolo- 
ger, also  wrote  them  ' '  certaine  brief  e  advises. ' '  ®^  Richard 
Hakluyt  himself  has  left  us  a  record  of  "notes  in  writing, 
besides  more  privie  by  mouth,"  that  he  gave  to  Pet  and 
Jackman,  "not  altogether  unfit  for  some  other  enterprises 
of  discovery,  hereafter  to  be  taken  in  hand. ' '  ^*  Finally 
Gerard  Mercator,  the  geographer,  writing  to  Hakluyt 
shortly  after  the  departure  of  the  explorers,  expressed  his 
regret  that  he  had  not  had  an  opportunity  to  add  his  word 
to  the  advice  with  which  the  leaders  of  the  voyage  had  been 
besieged:  "I  wish  Arthur  Pet  had  bene  informed  before 
his  departure  of  some  speciall  points.  The  voyage  to  Ca- 
thaio  by  the  East,  is  doutlesse  very  easie  and  short,"  ^^  etc. 

60  Hakluyt,  III,  251. 
61 /bid.,  Ill,  256. 
e^lhid,  III,  259  ff. 
c3/6Jd.,  Ill,  262  flf. 
64 /bid.,  Ill,  264  ff. 
65  Ibid.,  Ill,  278. 


TRADE  AND  EXPLORATION  107 

Mercator's  letter  ends  ^vith  the  striking  sentence,  "At  Ar- 
thur his  returne  I  pray  you  learne  of  him  the  things  I  have 
requested,  and  whether  any  where  in  his  voiage,  he  found 
the  sea  fresh,  or  not  very  salt:  for  I  suppose  the  Sea  be- 
tweene  Nova  Zembla  and  Tabin  to  be  fresh. ' '  ^^ 

The  commission  clearly  brings  out  that  the  prime  pur- 
pose of  the  venture  is  to  establish  trading  relations  with 
the  empire  of  Cathay.  Pet  and  Jackman  carried  letters 
from  Elizabeth  to  the  Emperor  and  were  instructed  to  try 
to  procure  from  him  in  return  definite  trading  privi- 
leges.''^ The  Company  was  clearly  attempting  to  realize 
the  object  implied  in  its  official  title,  "the  Company  for  the 
Discovery  of  New  Trades."  Nicholas  Chancellor,  a  mer- 
chant, was  sent  with  the  expedition,  evidently  to  superin- 
tend the  commercial  activities  of  the  venture.^^  Pet  was 
given  the  title  of  Admiral  and  Jackman  that  of  Vice- 
Admiral.*'* 

On  the  subject  of  the  route  to  be  followed  the  commis- 
sion is  very  definite.  The  ships  were  to  set  out  from  Lon- 
don as  soon  after  May  22  as  the  weather  would  permit  and 
proceed  to  the  North  Cape.®^  Thence  they  were  to  pass  to 
the  east.  In  this  part  of  their  voyage  the  explorers  were 
to  try  to  ascertain  whether  Nova  Zembla  was  identical  or 
contiguous  with  certain  lands  to  the  north  mentioned  by 
Willoughby  in  his  journal.*'^  Passing  Waigatz  they  were 
to  sail  past  the  mouth  of  the  Obi. 

The  directions  as  to  their  subsequent  route  reveal  the 
same  ignorance  of  conditions  as  we  found  in  the  directions 
to  Bassendine  in  1568.  Three  contingencies  are  specifically 
provided  for.  The  first  course  outlined  provides  that  the 
coast  east  of  the  Obi  is  to  be  followed  until  Cathay  is 
reached,  "whether  it  incline  Southerly  or  Northerly  (as  at 

seHakluyt,  III,  281. 

67  lUd.,  Ill,   255. 

68  Ibid.,  Ill,  253. 
QslUd.,   Ill,   254. 


108  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

times  it  may  do  both)."^'^  If  on  the  approach  of  winter 
they  have  not  reached  their  destination  tliey  shall  wait  un- 
til the  spring  ' '  in  some  convenient  harborow  and  place. ' '  ^^ 
Here,  if  the  inhabitants  seem  to  warrant  it,  commercial  re- 
lations may  be  established,  one  of  the  Queen's  letters  being 
delivered  to  the  prince  and  trading  privileges  if  possible 
procured.  "Whether  in  this  attempt  they  are  successful  or 
not,  the  following  spring  they  shall  proceed  on  their  way 
to  Cathay, — "for  that  is  the  Countrey  that  we  chiefly  de- 
sire to  discover. ' '  ^^ 

The  second  contingency  mentioned  in  the  commission 
refers  to  the  possibility  "that  the  land  of  Asia,  from  be- 
yond the  river  Ob,  extende  it  selfe  Northwards  to  80.  de- 
grees, or  neerer  the  poole  .  .  .  that  small  or  no  hope 
may  be  looked  for,  to  saile  that  way  to  Cathay.""  In 
that  case  the  coast  is  to  be  followed,  nevertheless,  during 
the  summer.  The  following  winter,  however,  shall  then 
be  spent  on  the  banks  of  the  Obi,  exploring  that  river  the 
next  summer  if  it  should  prove  wide  and  deep  enough  to 
permit.  "Happely  you  may  come  to  the  citie  Siberia,  or 
to  some  other  towne  or  place  habited  upon  or  neere  the 
border  of  it,  and  thereby  have  liking  to  winter  out  the 
second  winter. ' '  '^^ 

The  third  direction  makes  provision  for  the  explorers' 

course  in  case  the  Obi  should  be  found  to  be  too  shallow  to 

admit  of  the  exploration  referred  to.     In  that  case,  after 

wintering   in    that   river,   the   explorers  shall   turn   back 

through    "Boroughs    streights"     (Kara    Strait).     Thence 

they  shall  sail  w^estward,  keeping  in  sight  of  the  coast  of 

Nova   Zembla   until    they    reach   "Willoughbies   land."'^^ 

The  instnaction  adds,  "and  from  Willoughbies  land  3'ou 

shall  proceed  Westwards  alongst  the  tract  of  it  (though  it 

ToHakluyt,   III,   254. 
71  Ibid.,  Ill,  256. 
^2Ibid.,  III,  257. 
73  Ibid. 


TRADE  AND  EXPLORATION  109 

incline  Northerly)  even  so  farre  as  you  may  or  can  travell, 
having  regard  that  in  convenient  time  you  may  returne 
home  hither  to  London  for  wintering. ' '  '^* 

In  comparison  with  these  ambitious  plans  the  actual  trip 
must  be  regarded  as  an  absolute  failure.  The  George  and 
the  William  departed  from  Harwich  at  the  end  of  ]\Iay, 
1580.''^  On  June  6  the  vessels  were  separated  but  met  once 
more  at  Wardhouse.'^'*  From  here  they  put  to  sea  on  July 
1.'"  Next  day,  however,  the  William  was  seen  to  be  in 
need  of  repair  and  made  her  way  to  Kegor,  Arthur  Pet 
continuing  his  voyage  with  the  George  Avith  the  idea  of  re- 
joining the  William,  at  Waigatz.^^ 

Pet  continuing  his  eastward  course  sighted  land  to  the 
north  on  July  5.^^  Wind  and  ice  prevented  him  from 
getting  close  to  it.  For  the  next  two  weeks  the  progress 
of  his  vessel  was  very  slow.  Much  time  was  wasted  in  the 
attempt  to  pass  the  island  of  Waigatz,  but  at  last  the 
George  sailed  through  the  strait  which  separates  that  island 
from  the  mainland  and  passed  out  into  the  Kara  Sea.  On 
the  24th  the  William  was  sighted,  but  "there  was  a  great 
land  of  ice  betweene  her  and  us,  so  that  we  could  not 
come  one  to  the  other. ' '  ^^  Next  day,  however,  the  two  ves- 
sels did  come  together.  The  William  was  again  out  of  re- 
pair but  with  the  George's  assistance  was  put  in  condition 
to  continue  the  voyage.'^^ 

The  story  of  the  struggle  of  the  explorers  to  make  their 
way  through  the  Kara  Sea  is  largely  a  repetition  of  the  dif- 
ficulties encountered  by  Burrough  twenty-four  years  before. 
Icebergs  impeded  their  progress  and  threatened  their  very 
existence.  "Windes  we  have  had  at  will,"  writes  the  con- 
temporary narrator,  "but  ice  and  fogge  too  much  against 

74Hakluyt,  III,  258. 
75  lUd.,  in,  282. 
■i^IUd.,  Ill,  283. 
''1  Ibid.,  Ill,  284. 
IS  Ibid.,  Ill,  290. 


110  THE  MUSCOVY  COIMPANY 

our  willes,  if  it  had  pleased  the  Lord  God  otherwise. ' '  ^® 
On  July  28,  Pet  and  Jaekman  held  a  conference  and  de- 
cided to  put  back  to  Waigatz,  "and  there  to  conferre  fur- 
ther. ' '  ®°  The  return  to  Waigatz  took  nineteen  days  and 
constituted  one  of  the  most  hazardous  episodes  of  the 
whole  voyage.  The  account  is  full  of  items  like  the  fol- 
lowing: "At  3.  in  the  afternoon  (July  28)  we  did  warpe 
from  one  piece  of  ice  to  another  to  get  from  them  if  it 
were  possible :  here  were  pieces  of  ice  so  great,  that  we 
could  not  see  beyond  them  out  of  the  toppe ;"  ^'^  .  .  . 
"We  did  our  best  untill  ten  of  the  clocke  (July  31),  and 
then  perceiving  that  we  did  no  good,  and  being  inclosed 
with  ice,  wee  made  our  ships  fast  to  a  piece  of  ice:  All 
this  day  the  William  lay  still,  and  did  as  much  good  as  we 
that  did  labour  all  the  f orenoone ; "  ^^  ,  .  .  "  This  day 
(August  3)  we  lay  still  inclosed  with  yce,  the  weather  bee- 
ing  darke  with  f ogge :  thus  abiding  the  Lords  leasure,  we 
continued  with  patience ; "  *^  .  .  .  "  The  eleventh  day 
(August  11)  we  were  much  troubled  with  yce,  and  by  great 
force  we  made  our  way  through  it,  which  we  thought  a 
thing  impossible :  but  extremity  doth  cause  men  to  doe 
much,  and  in  the  weakenesse  off  man  Gods  strength  most 
appeareth. ' '  ^^  On  August  16  they  at  last  reached  the 
southeast  coast  of  Waigatz.®* 

There  is  no  record  of  further  conference  between  the 
leaders.  Their  experience  had  probably  proved  to  them 
that  the  task  they  had  undertaken  was  impossible,  at  any 
rate  for  vessels  the  size  of  theirs.*^     They  did  not  resume 

TO  Hakluyt,  III,  290. 

solhid.,  ill,  291. 

SI  Ibid.,    Ill,   292. 

82  lUd.,  Ill,  293. 

83/bifZ.,   Ill,  295. 

Si  Ibid.,  Ill,  296. 

85  The  George  was  a  vessel  of  40  tons,  and  the  William,  of  20  tons. 
In  the  former  were  nine  men  and  a  boy;  in  the  latter  five  men  and 
a  boy.     Hakluyt,  III,  252. 


TRADE  AND  EXPLORATION  111 

the  abandoned  northeast  course.  Instead  the  two  ships 
sailed  west  through  Waigatz  Strait,  went  aground  on 
Kolguev  on  August  20  ®®  but  managed  to  get  off,  and  pro- 
ceeded on  their  return  voj^age.  Arthur  Pet  arrived  at  Rat- 
cliffe  December  26.^^  Jackman  with  the  William  had 
parted  from  the  George  on  August  22,®^  wintered  at  a  port 
in  Norway,  "And  from  thence  departed  againe  in  Feb- 
ruarie  following,  and  went  in  company  of  a  ship  of  the 
King  of  Denmarke  toward  Island:  and  since  that  time  he 
was  never  heard  of. ' '  ^^ 

The  contrast  furnished  by  the  elaborate  preparations 
for  the  Pet-Jackman  expedition  and  its  absolute  failure  to 
accomplish  anything  might  lead  us  to  expect  a  cessation 
of  this  form  of  activity.  While  we  have  no  full  account 
or  definite  statement  of  any  other  northeast  voyages  sent 
out  by  the  Company  during  the  remainder  of  the  century 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  idea  was  not  abandoned. 
/  A  document  bearing  date  of  1584  contains  a  letter  from 
certain  Russian  traders  to  Anthony  ]\Iarsh,  the  Company's 
factor  at  that  time,  on  the  subject  of  the  route  to  the  Obi. 
Whether  the  plan  advocated  in  the  letter  of  reaching  that 
river  by  sailing  up  the  Pechora  and  across  by  way  of  the 
Ouson  (Ussa?)  was  ever  tried  we  do  not  know.  One  sen- 
tence in  this  document,  however,  indicates  that  at  some 
time  before  1584  Englishmen  had  reached  the  Obi.  ' '  Here- 
tofore," writes  Marsh's  correspondent,  ''your  people  haue 
bin  at  the  said  riuer  of  Obs  mouth  with  a  ship,  and  there 
was  made  shipwracke,  and  your  people  were  slaine  by  the 
Samoeds. ' '  °"  Even  if  this  statement  does  refer  to  an  un- 
recorded expedition  of  the  Company  its  disastrous  con- 
clusion forbids  us  to  consider  it  in  the  light  of  an  actual 

86  Hakluyt,  III,  297. 

87  Ibid.,  Ill,  303. 
sslbid.,  Ill,  298. 
89  Ibid.,  Ill,  303. 

00  Purchas  His  Pilgrimes   (edit,  by  MacLehose)   XIV,  pp.  292-293. 


112  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

discovery.  In  1589  the  Company  was  still  seeking  a  route 
to  the  Obi  "and  a  passage  by  the  northeast  of  St.  Nicholas 
into  Asia.""^ 

No  discussion  of  the  explorations  of  the  Muscovy 
Company  in  the  sixteenth  century  could  be  considered  com- 
plete without  at  least  passing  reference  to  the  Company's 
connection  with  the  attempts  of  the  Elizabethan  seamen  to 
find  a  passage  by  the  northwest.  The  Company's  part  in 
those  ventures,  which  bore  so  close  a  relation  to  the  ex- 
ploitation and  colonization  of  the  western  continent,  has 
not  in  the  past  received  due  recognition.  With  a  brief 
consideration  of  this  phase  of  the  Company's  activities  we 
will  bring  this  portion  of  our  discussion  to  a  close. 

The  Charters  of  1555  and  1566,  it  will  be  remembered, 
granted  to  the  Muscovy  Company  the  monopoly  of  any 
new  trade  routes  that  it  might  discover  to  the  northwest 
as  well  as  to  the  northeast.  While  its  activities  were 
largely  limited  to  the  eastern  hemisphere  the  Company 
showed  almost  from  the  beginning  that  it  realized  the  full 
extent  of  its  privilege  and  would  not  allow  it  to  be  in- 
fringed in  any  particular  without  protest  and  resistance. 

In  1567  Humphrey  Gilbert  addressed  a  memorial  to  the 
Queen  announcing  his  intention  to  attempt  the  discovery 
of  a  passage  to  Cathay  by  the  northwest,  and  asking  for 
a  special  grant  of  privileges.^-  These  were  to  include 
the  right  to  press  mariners  for  the  first  four  voyages,  the 
payment  of  lower  customs  for  forty  years,  the  right  to 
hold  one-tenth  of  all  lands  that  might  be  discovered,  to 
have  half  of  all  fines  and  forfeits  taken  from  those  who 
should  make  use  of  the  northwest  route  w^ithout  authoriza- 
tion, and  to  have  all  ships  employed  in  the  traffic  freed 
forever  from  imprest  for  any  common  service  of  the  realm. 
This  memorial  was  directly  in  conflict  with  the  privileges 

9iCal.  S.  P.   (Domestic)   1581-1590,  p.  587. 
92Cal.  S.  P.    (Colonial)    1513-1616,  pp.  6-7. 


TRADE  AND  EXPLORATION  113 

of  the  Muscovy  Company.  Accordingly,  under  date  of 
June  24,  1567,  the  governors  of  the  Company  drew  up  a 
formal  remonstrance  which  they  sent  to  Secretary  Cecil. 
In  this  document  the  Company  announced  that  "since  they 
have  made  attempts  for  the  discovery  of  Cathay  and  are 
determined  to  do  so  again,''^  either  by  the  northeast  or 
northwest,  they  claim  the  ordering  of  all  such  discoveries 
according  to  their  privileges,  but  will  not  refuse  Mr.  Gyl- 
berte's  advice  and  help  if  he  will  assist  them."®* 

Where  its  own  privileges  were  clearly  recognized,  how- 
ever, the  Company  does  not  seem  to  have  stood  in  the  way 
of  explorations  to  the  northwest.  Michael  Lok,  for  exam- 
ple, procured  from  it  a  privilege  for  the  discovery  of  Cathay 
by  a  northwest  route. "^  A  few  years  later  the  ore  brought 
back  by  Frobisher  from  his  voyage  was  smelted  at  Muscovy 
House.®" 

A  final  instance  under  date  of  1602  will  indicate  the 
Company's  tenacity  in  asserting  its  claims.  In  that  year 
Captain  George  "Waymouth  was  employed  by  the  two-year- 
old  East  India  Company  to  take  charge  of  a  voyage  of  ex- 
ploration to  the  northwest.  All  arrangements  were  con- 
cluded when  the  Muscovy  Company  called  a  halt  by  as- 
serting its  exclusive  right  to  the  navigation  of  the  north- 
ern seas.  The  East  India  Company  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  secure  permission  from  the  rival  organization  to 
undertake  the  voyage.®'^  In  this  they  failed.  They  then 
made  another  attempt,  resolving  this  time  that  if  the  Mus- 
covy Company  would  not  undertake  the  voyage  itself  or 
join  with  the  East  India  Company  for  that  purpose  the 
latter  would  lay  the  case  before  the  Privy  Council.®*  On 
December  22  the  Muscovy  Company  "having  received  let- 

83  The  following  year   came  the   Bassendine  project, 

»4Cal.  S.  P.   (Colonial)    1513-1616,  p.  8. 

05Cal.   S.  P.    (Colonial)    1513-1616,  p.   22. 

osCal.  S.   P.    (Domestic)    1547-1580,  p.   586;   p.  605. 

97Cal.  S.  P.    (Colonial)    1513-1616,  p.   128.  os  md.,  p.  129. 


114  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

ters  from  the  Privy  Council"  agreed  to  join  the  East  India 
Company  in  the  discovery."^  The  latter  Company,  how- 
ever, finally  undertook  the  venture  alone.  This  victory  of 
the  East  India  Company  may  in  a  sense  be  considered 
symbolic  of  the  part  which  that  organization  was  to  play 
thenceforth  in  English  commerce  and  colonization.  The 
Muscovy  Company  no  longer  occupied  the  center  of  the 
stage. 

The  history  of  the  Muscovy  Company  in  the  16th  cen- 
tury is  of  significance,  first  of  all,  because  of  the  large 
part  it  played  in  the  evolution  of  English  commerce. 
When  we  consider  that  this  company  was  the  first  of  that 
large  group  of  trading  and  colonizing  organizations  which 
entered  as  so  large  a  factor  in  the  expansion  of  English 
trade  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  it  is  in- 
deed difficult  to  overstate  its  historical  importance.  Mod- 
eled in  many  respects  on  the  still  earlier  Company  of  Mer- 
chant Adventurers,  the  Muscovy  Company  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  a  Joint  Stock  system  adapted  its  organization  to  the 
needs  of  a  more  distant  field  of  activity.  It  must  be  re- 
garded as  the  prototype  of  many  of  those  later  companies 
whose  more  successful  careers  have  tended  to  prevent  due 
recognition  being  given  to  their  great  predecessor  of  the 
sixteenth  century. 

Of  no  less  importance  for  the  historian  is  the  large  in- 
fluence of  the  Muscovy  Company  in  the  development  of 
the  political  relations  of  the  English  government.  The 
trading  companies  probably  did  more  than  any  other  one 
agency  to  bring  the  nations  of  Europe  into  that  close  in- 
terdependence which  characterizes  the  last  three  centuries 
of  European  history.  The  significance  of  the  Muscovy 
Company  for  Russia  is  that  it  brought  that  country  into 
the  family  of  civilized  European  nations  and  introduced 

»9Cal.  S.  P.   (Colonial)   1513-1616,  p.  130. 


TRADE  AND  EXPLORATION  115 

to  it  the  higher  civilization,  culture  and  arts  of  the  "West. 
For  English  history  one  of  the  Company's  chief  contri- 
butions consists  in  the  large  part  it  played  in  the  expan- 
sion of  the  political  and  diplomatic  outlook  of  the  future 
world-empire. 


THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 
APPENDIX 

List   of   members   of    the   Muscovy    Company,   May    1     (?),    1555. 
This  MS.  is  preserved  in  the  Public  Kecord  OfSce,  London.     C.  S. 
P.   (Dom.)   Addenda,  Mary,  1553-1556,  Vol.  VII,  No.  39. 

The  Lord  High  Treasurer. 

The  Lord  Howard. 

The  Earl  of  Pembroke. 

The  Lord  High  Admiral. 

The  Lord  Pagett. 

The  Lord  Savay    (?). 

The  Lord  Chamberlain. 

Sir    Robert   Rochester    Knight   Comptroller. 

Sir  Henry   Fernegam   Knight  Vice  chamberlain 

Sir   Edward   Hastings   Knight   Mr   of   Horses 

Sir  Thomas  Whartom  Knight 

Sir  Thomas  Cornwalis  Knight 

Sir   William   Pitts   Knight 

Sir  John  Bo     .     .     .     Knight 

Sir   Edward   Walgrave   knight 

Edwarde   Griffith    Esquire 

William    Cordall    Esquire 

Sir  William  Cecill  knight 

Sir  Henry  Sidney  knight 

Sir  Thomas   Wrothe  knight 

Sir   Richard   Blunt   knight 

Sir  Richard  Sackvyle  knight 

Sir   John    Cleve    (?)    knight 

Sir   W^illiam    Woodhouse,   knight 

Sir  Thomas  Woodhouse  knight 

Sir    William    Dansell    (?)     knight 

Mr.  Nicolas  Wotton  Clerke. 

Sir  John  Gressham 

Sir  Andrew  Judde 

Sir  George  Barne 

Sir  Thomas  White 

Sir  John  Yorke,  knight 

Mr.  Davj'  Woodrooff 

Thomas  Osley  Gelder 

Thomas   Curtis 

William   Garrarde 

W^illiam  Chester 

Thomas  Lodge 

Mrs.   Margaret  Kyrtom 

Henry  Herdsom 

116 


knights    and    Aldermen 


Aldermen 


APPENDIX 


117 


Sebastian   Caboto 
Thomas  Gresham 
Anthony   Hussey 
John  Marsh  Jun   (  ?) 
John   Southcott 
Henry  Brinker 
Thomas  Egerton 
John   Dymock 
Wm.  Clystom 
Clement  Throgmorton 
Edmond    Somner    {  ? ) 


Esquiera 


James    Pagett 
Thomas  Gravesende 
Bernarde  Randolphe 
Jame?   "Maryhe 
William  Ha     .     .     try 
Tliomas   Colshill 
Ricliard   Yonge 
William  Wotton 


Gentlemen. 


Antony  Hickman 
Alexander    Carlisle 
Antony  Gamage    (  ?) 
Antony  Pargetar   (?) 
Alexander  Mather 
.     .     .     Edwardes 
Blase  Saunders 
Christopher  Marler 
Clement  Clarke 
Davy  Appowall   (  ?) 
David  Saunders. 
Edmonde  Stille 
Edwarde  Jackman 
Edwarde  Cashlyn    (  ?) 
Edwarde  Garthe 
Edmonde  Roberts 
Edmonde  Linste    (  ?) 
Evan  Luoge   (  ? ) 
Edmonde  Hasolpott   (?) 
Edwarde   Gilbarte 
Elizabeth  Wilforde 
Edwarde  Prynne 
Frannas  Lambarde 
Frannas  Robynsom 
Frannas  Bur  nam    (  ?) 


lia  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

George  Heson   (  ?) 

Goflfrey   Walkden 

Goffrey    Langhen 

George  Hoploy 

George   Ca     .     .     . 

George  Bursom 

George  Myffe   (  ?) 

Henry   Richardea 

Henry   Bithar 

Henry  Grother    (  ?) 

Humfrey   Baskerfelde 

Henry  Fallowfelde 

Henry   Fissher 

Henry  Flainaek    (  ?) 

Henry   Lynar 

John  Hart 

John  Brooke 

John  Le     .     .     .  Notary 

John   Crynus    ( ? ) 

John  Harysom 

John   Amioll    (  ?) 

John   Elyott 

John  Ryvers 

John  Quarles 

John  Wilferde    (?)    Inn 

John   Hopkyns. 

John  Heathe 

John  Traves 

John   Brai     .     .     he 

John   Wilkinson 

John  Sparke 

John  Cotton 

John  Stark    (  ?) 

John  Campany 

John   Femposen    (  ?) 

Jolin  Mylner 

John  Midley. 

John  Bucklande 

John  Stantonn 

John  Harshe 

Lyonell  Inckett 

Laurence   Glasner    (?) 

Martyn  Trevener 

Miles  Mordynge 

Nicolas    Bacon 

Nicolas   Burton 

Nicolas   Fuljambe 


APPENDIX  119 


Phillippe  Ennter 

Philiippe   Bolde 

Phillippe  K     .     .     er 

Katherin     .     . 

Richarde  Malory 

Richtirde  Poynter 

Richarde  Chamberlyn 

Richarde  Foulke 

Roger   Marten 

Richarde  Spryngham 

Richarde  Barne 

Robert  Dai     .     .     berey 

Robert   Woolman. 

Richarde  Duckett 

Richarde   Elkin 

Roberta  Browne 

Roberte  Spenser 

Richard   Wills    (?) 

Hov/lande  Heywarde 

Raulf   Grenway 

Roberte  Dowin  Inn 

Roberte  Crockhey 

Roberte  Dome    (  ?) 

Richarde  Patricke 

Richarde  Chaimalour    (?) 

Richarde  Taillour 

Stephaine  Abowroughe    (  ?) 

Thomas  Godman 

Thomas    Wilke 

Thomas  Luke    (  ?) 

Thomas  Chamber 

Thomas  Banester 

Tliomas  Palleysten   (  ?) 

Thomas  Nicolls  thilder  niker 

Thomas  Heton    (  ? ) 

Thomas  Langley 

Thomas  Casfell 

Thomas  Heigham 

Thomas  Browne 

Thomas    Smythe 

Thomas  Sparke 

Thomas  Anderson 

Thomas  Allen 

Thomas  Moore 

Thomas  Stanbridge 

Thomas   Starke  Drap 

Thomas    Atkynsone    Notary 


120  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

Thomas  Sares   (  ? ) 

Thomas  Unoffe   (  ?)   Goldsmythe 

Thomas  Ffranncis 

William   Watsone 

Walter  Yonge 

William   AUenne 

William   Gifforde 

William.  Liiickiior    (?) 

William  Mericke 

William  Streete 

Walter  Levesone 

William    Knyght 

William  Malory 

William    Rosse 

William    Bully 

William  Billingston 

William  Monnstowe   (  ?) 

William    Bonde 

William  Tucker 

Walter  Marler 

William   Dawke    (?) 

William   Humfrey 

Walter  Garwan 

William  Levison 

William   Cholmelen 

Xtofer   Danntisey    (?) 

Xtofer  Draper 


LIST  OF  CHIEF  SOURCES  USED 

Hakluyt,  Eichard.  The  Principal  Navigations  Voyages  Trajfiques 
and  Discoveries  of  the  English  Nation.  12  Vols.  Glasgow,  1903. 
— Volumes  II  and  III  contain  more  than  six  hundred  pages  of 
documentary  material  more  or  less  directly  connected  with 
the  commercial  relations  of  England  and  Russia.  Of  partic- 
ular value  are  the  two  charters  of  the  Company  (II,  304-316 
and  III,  83-91),  the  correspondence  of  the  Company  with  its 
agents  in  Russia,  and  the  contemporary  accounts  of  the  ex- 
plorations undertaken  by  the  Company   (passim). 

Tolstoy,  George.  The  First  Forty  Years  of  Intercourse  betiveen  Eng- 
land and  Russia.  St.  Petersburg,  1875. — This  is  a  collection 
of  eighty-two  documents  covering  the  period  from  1553  to  1593 
and  devoted  almost  exclusively  to  diplomatic  correspondence. 
Each  document  is  given  in  both  English  and  Russian,  with  the 
exception  of  eighteen  which,  originally  in  Latin,  are  printed 
in  Latin  and  Russian  only.  Many  of  the  documents  included 
in   this  volume   are  not   elsewhere  accessible   in  print. 

Russia  at  the  Close  of  the  Sixteenth  Century.  London,  1856.  This 
volume  of  the  Hakluyt  Society  Publications  contains  two  val- 
uable contemporary  works.  Dr.  Giles  Fletcher's  Of  the  Russe 
Common  Wealth,  and  A  Relacion  or  Memoriall  Abstracted  owt 
of  Sir  Jerom  Horsey  His  Travells,  etc.  The  five  appendices 
(pp.  267-381)  contain  valuable  contemporary  material  on  the 
missions  of  Fletcher  and  Horsey. 

Early  Voyages  and  Travels  to  Russia  and  Persia.  2  vols.,  London, 
1886.  This  volume  of  the  Hakluyt  Society  Publications,  edited 
by  E.  Delmar  Morgan  and  C.  H.  Coote,  while  chiefly  of  value 
for  the  Persian  trade,  contains  material  on  the  Muscovy  Com- 
pany  not   easily   accessible   elsewhere. 

Calendars  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Foreign,  Venetian  and  Colon- 
ial {East  Indies).  The  Calendars  contain  numerous  references 
to  the  Muscovy  Company  and  to  Russian  relations.  Unfor- 
tunately most  of  the  references  are  fragmentary  and  a  few 
are  enigmatical.  The  originals  in  the  Record  Office  have  in 
most  cases  been  consulted  but  have  not,  as  a  rule,  furnished 
much  additional  information.  Perhaps  special  mention  should 
be  made  of  S.  P.  (Dom.)  Addenda  Vol.  VII,  No.  39,  which  con- 
tains a  list  of  the  members  of  the  Company  in  1555.  (See 
Appendix,  pp.   116-120.) 

121 


122  THE  MUSCOVY  COMPANY 

Reports  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission.  Hatfield  House 
M88.,  Rutland  M8S.,  Calvetti  Correspondence.  Much  of  the 
correspondence  of  both  the  older  and  younger  Cecil  throws  an 
interesting  light  on  the  relation  of  the  English  government  to 
Russia  and  to  the  Muscovy  Company.  No  material  of  prime 
importance,   however,   has   been   gathered  from   these   sources. 

Records  of  the  Court  of  Husting.  Roll  341,  No.  29.  MS.  preserved 
in  Guildhall,  London.  Interesting  as  helping  to  locate  Muscovy 
House. 

Wright,  Thomas.  Queen  Elizabeth  and  Her  Times,  A  Series  of 
Original  Letters,  etc.  2  Vols.  London,  1838.  Its  chief  value 
for  our  purpose  consists  in  a  letter  written  by  William  Smith, 
May  15,  1572,  giving  a  definite  picture  of  Russian  conditions 
and  the  state  of  the  Company. 

The  Diary  of  Henry  Machyn,  Citizen  and  Merchant-Taylor  of  Lon- 
don, from  A.  D.  1550  to  A.  D.  1563.  London,  1848.  (Camden 
Society).  Contains  a  few  interesting  notes  on  the  first  Rus- 
sian embassy  and  makes  occasional  mention  of  members  of  the 
Muscovy  Company. 

Wriothesley,  Charles.  A  Chronicle  of  England  during  the  Reign 
of  the  Tudors.  2  Vols.  London,  1875.  Like  the  above  this  is 
chiefly  of  interest  for  its  incidental  description  of  the  embassy 
of  Napea  in   1556-7. 


English  Trading  Expeditions  Into  Asia 

Under  the  Authority  of  the 

Muscovy  Company 

(1557-1581) 


Thesis  presented  to  the  Faculty  of  the  Graduate  School  of  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania  in  partial  fulfilment  of  the  requirements 
for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  1910. 

By  earnest  V.  VAUGHN,  Ph.D. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.  The  Search  for  an  Overland  Eoute  to  Cathay    ....    127 

II.  The  Establishment  of  Trading  Relations  with  Persia   .      .    142 

III.  The  Attempted  Development  of  the  Persian  Trade  .      .      .162 

IV.  The  Downfall  of  the  Persian  Trade 182 

V.  The  Strength  and  Weakness  of  the  Persian  Venture     .      .    195 

Bibliography 211 


ENGLISH    TRADING    EXPEDITIONS    INTO    ASIA 

UNDER  THE  AUTHORITY  OF  THE  MUSCOVY 

COMPANY  (1557-1581) 

CHAPTER  I 

THE    SEARCH    FOR    AN    OVERLAND    ROUTE    TO    CATHAY 

During  the  sixteenth  century  Englishmen  were  engaged 
in  a  search  for  a  route  to  Cathay  that  would  not  conflict 
with  the  claims  of  the  Spaniards  and  the  Portuguese.  Be- 
ginning with  the  voyage  of  John  Cabot  and  extending  to 
the  establishment  of  the  East  India  Company,  many  at- 
tempts were  made  to  solve  the  problem,  and  though  all 
such  attempts  previous  to  the  close  of  the  century  were 
destined  to  fail  in  their  ultimate  purpose,  they  derive 
great  significance  from  the  fact  that  they  really  laid  the 
foundations  for  the  commercial  and  colonial  empire  of 
England.  The  first  half  of  the  century  was  largely  a 
period  of  discussion  and  of  tentative  effort,  during  which 
the  theory  of  the  northeastern  as  well  as  of  the  north- 
western passage  was  very  clearly  outlined.^  But  it  was 
not  until  the  second  half  of  the  century  that  England 
definitely  awakened  to  her  opportunities  and  began  to 
take  her  place  in  discovery,  exploration,  and  trade  ex- 
pansion. 

The  new  epoch  may  be  said  to  have  begun  for  English- 
men when  Willoughby  and  Chancellor  set  sail,  on  May  20, 
1553,  to  seek  out  unknown  lands  which  might  serve  as  an 

1  Robert  Thorne,  in  1527,  suggested  sailing  northward  to  the 
pole  and  thence  southwest  or  southeast  to  Cathay.  Hakluyt,  Voy- 
ages, II,  161-163,  176-178.  A  little  earlier  Paulo  Centurione,  an 
Italian,  outlined  a  route  overland  from  Russia,  similar  to  that  later 
followed  by  the  Muscovy  Company,  except  that  its  terminus  was 
the  Baltic  instead  of  the  White  Sea.  Eden,  First  Three  English 
Books  on  America,  286-7,  308-310.  According  to  Beazley,  The  Cabots, 
181,  Centurione  in  1525  offered  his  plan  to  Henry  VIII. 

127 


128  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

outlet  for  English  merchandise.^  This  voyage  is  of  fur- 
ther significance  in  that  it  inaugurated  a  period  of  re- 
markable activity  in  the  endeavor  to  find  an  independent 
northern  route  to  China  or  India.  In  the  fifty  years  fol- 
lowing this  voj'age  to  the  northeast  efforts  were  made  in 
various  directions  to  reach  the  coveted  markets  of  the  East, 
either  by  sea  to  the  northeast  or  the  northwest,  overland 
by  way  of  Russia  and  the  countries  beyond  the  Caspian, 
or  eastward  through  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Levant, 
until  finally  success  was  achieved  along  the  forbidden  route 
to  the  southward  which  the  Portuguese  had  monopolized 
for  a  century. 

The  earliest  developments,  however,  followed  Richard 
Chancellor's  arrival  in  the  White  Sea,  his  journey  to  Mos- 
cow, and  his  friendly  reception  by  Ivan  IV.^  In  answer 
to  a  letter  of  Edward  VI  addressed  to  all  kings  and  poten- 
tates to  the  northeast  toward  the  empire  of  Cathay,  Chan- 
cellor received  from  the  Czar  a  promise  that  English  mer- 
chants should  have  freedom  of  movement  and  of  trade 
throughout  his  realm,  and  to  that  end  it  was  suggested 
that  an  ambassador  be  sent  from  England  to  settle  all  de- 
tails in  regard  to  these  privileges.*  Apparently  this  let- 
ter of  the  Czar's,  together  with  Chancellor's  reports  con- 
cerning Russia,^  made  considerable  impression  in  England, 
for  in  the  spring  of  1555  three  factors,  Richard  Chancellor, 
George  Killingworth,  and  Richard  Gray  sailed  for  Russia 
with  letters  from  Philip  and  Mary  and  with  instructions 
to  negotiate  with  the  Czar.^     Upon  the  occasion  of  a  tliird 

2  The  motive  for  the  voyage  is  clearly  expressed  in  Clement 
Adams's  account  and  also  in  Cabot's  Ordinances,  arts.  20  and  21. 
Hakluyt,  II,  200-202,   239-240. 

3  Ibid.,  II,  244-251. 

4 /&«/.,   II,   209-211,   271-272. 

5  Chancellor's  own  account  is  merely  a  description  of  Russia. 
That  of  Clement  Adams,  based  on  information  obtained  from  Chan- 
cellor, gives  also  an  account  of  the  journey.  Both  are  given  iu 
Ibid.,  II,   224-270. 

6  Ibid.,  II,  278-281. 


SEARCH  FOR  OVERLAND  ROUTE     129 

voyage  the  following  year,  the  English  merchants  sent 
to  their  factors  detailed  instructions  as  to  how  the  new 
Russian  trade  should  be  conducted/  Thus  trading  rela- 
tions were  established  with  Russia  along  the  line  of  a 
practicable  sea  route  around  Norway  and  Sweden  which 
made  the  English  merchants  independent  of  the  Baltic 
cities. 

On  February  6,  1555,  Queen  Mary  granted  a  charter  to 
these  "Marchants  adventurers  for  the  discoverie  of  lands, 
territories,  lies  &  seigniories  unknowen"  which  gave  them 
the  exclusive  right  to  trade  with  Russia  and  with  all  other 
lands  lying  to  the  "Northwards,  Northeastwards,  or  North- 
westwards," not  heretofore  frequented  by  her  subjects.^ 
This  was  the  beginning  of  the  well-known  Muscovy  or 
Russia  Company.  Favored  by  this  charter  and  by  a  grant 
of  privileges  from  Ivan  IV,''  this  Company  devoted  itself 
to  the  development  of  its  trade  to  the  White  Sea  and  to 
the  interior  of  the  country,  and  thence  beyond  the  Caspian 
Sea.  Factories  were  established  in  various  parts  of  Rus- 
sia— Kholmogory,  Novgorod,  Vologda,  and  Moscow — and  a 
considerable  trade  resulted  which  seems  to  have  been  to 
the  advantage  of  both  countries  concerned,  or  at  least  of 
their  governments. 

However,  the  development  of  the  Russian  trade  was  not 
permitted  to  obscure  the  search  for  a  passage  towards 
Cathay.  The  vague  and  general  terms  of  the  original  sail- 
ing instructions  gave  place,  upon  the  second  voyage  in 
1555,  to  fairly  definite  suggestions  towards  the  carrying 
out  of  this  ultimate  purpose;  the  factors  sent  out  to  Rus- 
sia were  told  to  "use  all  wayes  and  meanes  possible  to 
learne  howe  men  may  passe  from  Russia,  either  by  land 
or  sea  to  Cathaia,     .     ,     .     and  to  what  knowledge  you 

THakluyt,  IT,  281-289. 
»Ibid.,  II,   308,  315. 
oibid.,  II,  297-303. 


130  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

may  come,  by  conferring  with  the  learned  or  well  travailed 
persons,  either  naturall  or  forrein,  such  as  have  travailed 
from  the  North  to  the  South. "  ^^  In  the  same  year,  a 
clause  was  inserted  in  the  charter  of  privileges  granted 
by  the  Czar  which  gave  the  English  merchants  freedom  to 
pass  at  their  pleasure  into  other  countries,  either  by  sea, 
by  land,  or  by  fresh  water,  thus  preparing  the  way  for 
such  an  attempt."  The  next  year  the  Muscovy  Company 
sent  out  the  Searchthrift,  under  Stephen  Burrough,  to 
continue  the  temporarily  delayed  search  for  a  sea  passage 
to  the  northeast.  Departing  from  Gravesend,  April  29, 
1556,  Burrough  rounded  North  Cape  and  passed  beyond 
the  Pechora  as  far  as  the  island  of  Waigatz;  but  he  was 
prevented  from  renewing  his  explorations  in  the  following 
spring.^^  Though  bj^  no  means  lost  sight  of  in  the  suc- 
ceeding years,  it  was  not  until  the  Pet  and  Jackman  ex- 
pedition, in  1580,  that  the  northeastern  passage  was  again 
attempted. 

With  the  year  1557  the  interests  of  the  ]\Iusco\^'  Com- 
pany turned  more  strongly  to  the  interior  of  Russia,  and 
especially  to  the  alternative  overland  route  through  that 
country  to  the  East.  Presumably  the  factors,  according 
to  their  instructions,  had  made  inquiries  concerning  the 
possibilities  of  such  a  route,  and  the  result  is  to  be  seen 
in  the  fact  that  Anthony  Jenkinson  was  now  placed  in 
charge  of  the  ships  for  Russia,  -with  a  further  commission 
to  undertake  the  search  for  an  overland  route  to  Cathay. 
To  that  end  the  Company  wrote  to  their  factors  in  Russia 
to  furnish  him  with  the  men,  money,  and  supplies,  that 
he  should  regard  as  necessary  for  the  undertaking.^^  The 
choice  of  the  English  merchants  was  an  excellent  one,  as 

loHakluyt,    II.   285. 
11  Ihid.,  'll,    299. 
i2/6ifZ.,  II,  322-344,  363. 

13  Ibid.,  II,  390.  There  seems  to  be  no  evidence  that  Jenkinson 
deserves  the  credit  of  originating  the  plan. 


SEARCH  FOR  OVERLAND  ROUTE     131 

Jenkinson  was  an  admirable  type  of  the  Englishman  of 
the  period,  bold,  indefatigable,  ready  for  any  adventure; 
in  the  course  of  his  varied  career  in  the  service  of  the 
I\[useo\^^  Company  he  was  to  prove  himself  equally  able 
as  explorer,  merchant,  and  diplomat.^*  The  inauguration 
of  this  plan  marks  the  beginning  of  those  expeditions  into 
Asia  under  the  authority  of  the  IMuscovy  Company  which 
are  to  form  the  subject  matter  of  this  and  the  follo^\dng 
chapters. 

Departing  from  Gravesend  with  four  ships,  on  ]\Iay  12, 
1557,  Jenkinson  reached  St.  Nicholas  on  July  13,  and  from 
thence  proceeded  to  Moscow,  where  he  was  well  received 
by  the  Czar.  He  tarried  there  during  the  ^vinter,  and 
then  in  the  following  spring  petitioned  Ivan  IV  for  a  royal 
license  to  depart  on  his  mission  beyond  the  Caspian  Sea. 
Not  only  was  this  permission  granted,  but  in  addition  the 
Czar  graciously  gave  "his  letters  under  his  great  scale, 
unto  all  princes  through  whose  dominions  master  Jenkin- 
son should  have  occasion  to  passe,  that  he  might  the  sooner 
and  quietlier  passe  by  meanes  thereof. "  ^^  As  this  over- 
land voyage  of  Jenkinson  was  a  deliberate  attempt  to  solve 
the  great  problem  of  a  route  to  Cathay  by  combining  the 
new  sea-route  around  the  North  Cape  and  the  river  sys- 
tems of  Russia  with  the  northernmost  of  the  mediaeval 
trade  routes  from  East  to  West,  it  was  an  undertaking 
of  considerable  magnitude  as  well  as  of  great  interest. 

At  this  time  the  situation  in  Russia  was  very^  favorable 
to  such  an  undertaking  on  account  of  her  recent  conquests 
towards  the  east  and  south.  Following  the  liberation  from 
the  Tartar  yoke  towards  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
Ivan  the  Great  had  done  much  to  consolidate  the  kingdom 

1*  He  liad  had  considerablo  previous  experience  as  a  traveler.  At 
Aleppo,  in  1553,  he  had  obtained  from  the  Sultan  a  trading  privi- 
lege.    Hakluyt,  ITT,   195,  V,  109-110. 

15  Ibid.,  II,  4.36.  Jenkinson's  own  briefer  account  of  the  journey 
to  Moscow   and   his   reception   there   is  given,  Ibid.,  II,  413-421. 


132  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

and  to  put  down  internal  dissensions.  His  policy  was  con- 
tinued by  his  son,  Vassili  III,  and  by  his  grandson,  Ivan 
IV,  known  in  history  as  Ivan  the  Terrible.  In  1552  the 
latter  conquered  Kazan,  an  important  Tartar  fortress  on 
the  Volga,  and  two  years  later  the  capture  of  Astrakhan 
near  the  mouth  of  that  river  extended  the  power  of  Russia 
to  the  Caspian  Sea.^*'  Thus,  not  only  did  the  Volga  be- 
come a  Russian  river  but  also  communication  with  Persia 
and  other  lands  beyond  the  Caspian  was  made  compara- 
tively safe  and  easy.  These  developments,  therefore,  were 
of  the  greatest  advantage  to  Jenkinson  and  to  the  Muscovy 
Company. 

On  April  23,  1558,  Jenkinson  left  Moscow,  accompanied 
by  Richard  and  Robert  Johnson  and  also  a  Tartar  inter- 
preter." He  proceeded  by  way  of  the  rivers  Moscow 
and  Oka  to  Nijni  Novgorod  and  from  there  down  the 
Volga  to  Astrakhan,  which  he  reached  by  July  14.  His 
description  of  the  journey  down  the  Volga  includes  an 
account  of  the  Krim  and  Nogay  Tartars,  who,  thanks  to 
the  Russian  conquests,  were  held  somewhat  under  con- 
trol. Astrakhan,  however,  was  the  outpost  of  the  Russian 
authority  to  the  southeast;  consequently  for  the  rest  of 
his  journey  the  traveler  had  to  depend  largely  upon  his 
owTi  tact  and  resources.  Though  it  was  a  mart  town  for 
Russian,  Tartar  and  Persian  merchants,  Astrakhan  does 
not  seem  to  have  impressed  Jenkinson  verj^  favorably,  as 
he  expressed  the  opinion  that  its  trade  was  hardly  worth 
following.^* 

After  some  delay  in  order  to  provide  and  equip  a  boat 

16  Ho  worth,  History  of  the  Mongols,  II,  35.5-357,  422;  Rambaud, 
History  of  Russia,  I,  252-256.  Jenkiuson,  in  Hakhiyt,  II,  451,  454, 
seems  to  have   the  dates  wrong. 

17  Jenkinson's  account  of  the  expedition,  sent  to  the  merchants 
of  the  Muscovy  Company  upon  his  return,  is  given  in  Ibid.,  II, 
449-479,  and  is  the  basis  of  the  following  pages. 

IS  Ibid.,   II,   456. 


SEARCH  FOR  OVERLAND  ROUTE     133 

for  the  next  stage  of  the  journey,  Jenkinson  and  his  com- 
panions, in  company  with  certain  Tartars  and  Persians, 
embarked  at  Astrakhan  on  August  6,  and  successfully  over- 
coming the  dangers  of  navigation  at  the  mouth  of  the  Volga 
they  entered  the  Caspian  Sea  four  days  later,  the  first 
Englishmen  perhaps  to  sail  upon  its  waters.  Turning 
northward  after  leaving  the  Volga,  the  course  followed 
the  coast-line  somewhat  closely  as  they  sailed  around  the 
northern  end  of  the  Caspian  Sea  and  down  its  eastern 
coast  as  far  as  the  port  of  Mangishlak,  which  evidently  was 
a  point  of  departure  for  caravans  to  the  eastward.  On 
account  of  a  storm,  however,  it  was  necessary  to  land  at 
a  less  desirable  haven  on  Koshak  bay  just  opposite  Man- 
gishlalc.  Here  on  September  3  Jenkinson  disembarked, 
and  he  and  his  company  were  ''gently  intertained  of  the 
Prince,  and  of  his  people,"  that  is,  presumably  by  the 
Turkomans  of  that  region. 

It  was  with  these  people  that  arrangements  had  to  be 
made  regarding  camels  and  provisions  for  the  caravan 
journey  through  Turkestan.  In  fact,  before  a  landing  was 
made,  negotiations  had  been  begun  for  camels  to  carry 
the  merchandise  of  the  travelers  to  Vezir,  a  twenty  days' 
journey  from  JMangishlak,^^  and  the  messengers  had  re- 
turned with  encouraging  words  and  fair  promises  in  all 
things.  However,  Jenkinson  was  really  at  their  mercy  and 
before  his  departure  he  "founde  them  to  bee  very  badde 
and  brutish  people,  for  they  ceased  not  dayly  to  molest 
us,  either  by  fighting,  stealing  or  begging,  raysing  the  prise 
of  horse  and  camels,  and  victuals  double,  that  the  wont 
was  there  to  bee,  and  forced  us  to  buy  the  water  that 
wee  did  drinke:  which  caused  us  to  hasten  away,  and  to 
conclude  with  them  as  well  for  the  hier  of  camels,  as  for 

10  Twenty-five  days  from  their  landing  place.  Hakluyt,  II,  459, 
461. 


134  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

the  price  of  such  as  wee  bought,  with  other  provision,  ac- 
cording to  their  owne  demaunde. "  ^° 

On  September  14  a  caravan  of  one  thousand  camels  set 
out  from  this  place. -^  Several  days  later,  upon  reaching 
the  country  of  Mangishlak,  it  was  waylaid  by  certain 
armed  Tartars  in  the  name  of  their  master,  Timur  Sultan, 
the  governor  of  that  region,  whereupon  the  wares  were 
opened  and  those  things  that  were  wanted  were  taken  with- 
out any  pretense  of  payment.  Evidently  the  ruler  of 
Mangishlak  did  not  intend  to  lose  his  tribute  because  the 
caravan  started  elsewhere.  Unlike  the  other  merchants, 
Jenkinson  was  not  willing,,  to  submit  to  such  treatment, 
and  so  he  presented  himseif  before  Timur  Sultan  to  pro- 
test most  vigorously  against  being  robbed  and  to  request 
the  Sultan's  favor  and  passport  while  traveling  through 
his  country.  The  request  was  granted,  but  Jenkinson  was 
able  to  recover  only  a  part  of  his  loss."  He  says,  how- 
ever, that  if  he  had  not  thus  sought  out  the  ruler  he  would 
probably  have  been  killed  and  his  merchandise  seized,  as 
he  understood  that  commands  had  been  given  to  that  ef- 
fect. After  answering  the  many  questions  of  the  Sultan 
and  giving  his  reasons  for  coming  into  that  region,  Jen- 
kinson was  permitted  to  depart  and  rejoined  the  caravan. 
Now  began  the  long  march  through  the  Turkoman  country, 
during  which  the  travelers  suffered  greatly  for  water  and 
were  driven  by  necessity  to  kill  some  of  the  horses  and 
camels  for  food.  October  3,  they  came  to  "a  gulphe  oi 
the  Caspian  sea,"  probably  Lake  Sarikamish,  where  they 

20  For  each  camel's  weight,  four  hundred  pounds,  they  gave  three 
Russian  hides  and  four  wooden  dishes,  besides  various  gifts.  Hak- 
luyt,  II,  459. 

21  There  is  no  reason  for  saying  all  these  camels  were  Jenkinson's, 
as  Tolstoy,  p.  XIV,  Howorth,  Mongols,  II,  972,  and  others  do. 
There  were  forty  travelers  in  the  caravan,  while  on  his  second 
expedition  Jenkinson  had  only  forty-five  camels  and  a  few  horses. 
Hakluyt,  II,  467,   III,  21. 

22  Ibid.,  II,  460. 


SEARCH  FOR  OVERLAND  ROUTE     135 

found  fresh  water  and  paid  toll  to  the  Turkoman  king.^^ 
Four  days  later  they  arrived  at  Vezir,  the  dwelling  place 
of  Hadjim  Khan,  the  king,  and  three  of  his  brothers.^^ 
Here  the  usual  procedure  took  place;  Jenkinson  presented 
his  gift  to  the  Khan  and  delivered  the  Czar's  letters,  where- 
upon he  was  permitted  to  dine  in  the  royal  presence.  In 
a  second  audience  on  the  following  day  the  Khan  asked 
concerning  the  affairs  of  England  and  Russia,  and  then 
at  his  departure  gave  him  letters  of  safe  conduct. 

When  Urgendj  was  reached,  on  October  16,  it  was  again 
necessary  to  pay  custom,  this  time  for  each  person  as  well 
as  for  the  camels  and  horses.  "While  Jenkinson  was  there 
Ali  Sultan,  brother  of  Hadjim  Khan,  returned  from  a  cam- 
paign in  Khorassan,  thus  affording  a  glimpse  of  the  al- 
most continual  warfare  that  existed  between  the  Persians 
and  the  Tartar  chieftains  to  the  north. -^  Once  more  the 
Czar's  letters  were  presented,  the  usual  questions  were 
asked,  and  the  all  important  letter  of  safe  conduct  was 
granted.  Though  it  was  a  walled  town,  Urgendj  was  then 
in  a  state  of  decay,  due  perhaps  to  the  recent  period  of 
civil  strife  which  had  driven  most  of  the  merchants  from 
the  place,  while  those  remaining  were  so  poor  that  Jen- 
kinson was  able  to  sell  them  only  a  few  kersies.^^  The 
chief  commodities  sold  there  were  such  as  came  from  Bok- 
hara or  Persia,  and  of  these  he  says  the  quantity  was  small. 

After  remaining  at  Urgendj   for  nearly  six  weeks  the 

23  Hakluyt,  II,  461;  post  136,  note  27,  and  authorities  there  cited. 

24  "All  the  land  from  the  Caspian  sea  to  this  Citie  of  Urgence  is 
called  the  lande  of  Turkenian,  &  is  subject  to  the  said  Azira  Can, 
and  his  brethren  which  be  five  in  number."  Hakluyt,  II,  463.  See 
also  Howorth,   Mongols,  II,   886. 

25  Jenkinson  says  the  town  of  "Corozan,"  but  there  seems  to  be 
no  such  place.  Anthony  Jenkinson  and  other  Englishmen,  Early 
Voyages  and  Travels,  I,  70,  note  3.  For  the  raids  see  Howorth, 
Mongols,  II,  888. 

26  "It  hath  bene  wonne  and  lost  4.  times  within  7.  yeeres  by  civill 
warres."     Hakluyt,  II,  463. 


136  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

caravan  proceeded  eastward  along  the  Kunia  Daria  for  a 
hundred  miles,  crossed  the  Amu  Daria,^^  and  on  December 
7  arrived  at  Kait,  a  city  under  the  authority  of  still  an- 
other brother  of  Hadjim  Khan.  This  Sultan,  it  seems,  had 
designs  upon  the  Christians  in  the  caravan,  but  fear  of 
his  brother  at  Urgendj  kept  him  from  carrying  them  out. 
It  is  quite  characteristic,  however,  that  the  councilor  who 
imparted  this  information  "willed  us,"  as  Jenkinson  says, 
to  make  the  Sultan  a  present,  which  he  took  and  delivered 
to  his  master.  That  was  not  the  only  payment  expected, 
for  at  this  place  the  merchants  paid  as  custom  one  red 
hide  of  Russia  for  each  camel,  besides  petty  gifts  to  the 
officials.-^ 

Shortly  after  the  departure  of  the  caravan  from  Kait 
an  event  occurred  which  throws  the  strongest  possible  light 
upon  the  dangers  of  travel  among  the  wild  and  predatory 
tribes  of  Turkestan.  The  whole  region  seems  to  have  been 
infested  with  bands  of  robbers,  but  the  stretch  of  desert 
country  from  Kait  to  Bokhara  was  the  worst  that  Jenkin- 
son had  to  traverse  in  the  course  of  his  long  journey.  On 
the  night  of  December  10  four  horsemen  were  taken  as 
spies,  from  whom  it  was  ultimately  learned  that  three  days' 
journey  ahead  there  was  a  band  of  forty  men  lying  in 
wait  for  the  caravan,  and  that  they  themselves  were  of 
that  company.  The  Sultan  thereupon  furnished  a  guard 
of  eighty  soldiers  to  accompany  the  caravan.  On  the  third 
day  these  soldiers,  after  scouting  for  a  time,  came  running 
back,  declaring  that  they  had  found  traces  of  the  robbers 
and  that  a  meeting  with  them  was  imminent.  So  they  at 
once  "asked  us  what  we  would  give  them  to  conduct  us 
further,  or  els  they  would  returne.     To  whom  we  offered 

27  It  hardly  seems  necessary  here  to  give  the  arguments  on  the 
vexed  questions  of  Aralo-Caspian  geography.  For  Jenkinson's  con- 
nection therewith  see  Hakluyt,  II,  461,  465;  Howorth,  Mongols,  II, 
972-977;  Huntington,  The  Pulse  of  Asia,  347-350. 

28  Hakluyt.  II,  465. 


SEAECH  FOR  OVERLAND  ROUTE     137 

as  we  thought  good,  but  they  refused  our  offer,  and  would 
have  more,  and  so  we  not  agreeing  they  departed  from 
us,  and  went  backe  to  their  Soltane,  who  (as  wee  con- 
jectured) was  privie  to  the  conspiracie. " -^ 

Within  three  hours  after  the  departure  of  the  soldiers, 
horsemen  were  seen  approaching  and  the  travelers,  forty 
in  number,  drew  together  for  defense.  The  fight  that 
ensued  lasted  nearly  all  day,  with  losses  on  both  sides,  and 
had  it  not  been  for  four  hand  guns  used  by  Jenkin>son  and 
his  company  the  robbers  would  have  been  successful.  As 
it  was,  a  truce  was  agreed  on  until  the  follo\\dng  morning. 
During  the  night  a  parley  was  held,  in  which  the  leader 
of  the  robbers  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  Christians 
in  the  caravan,  promising  that  the  rest  might  depart  in 
peace,  but  this  proposition  was  rejected.  When  morning 
came,  however,  neither  side  M'ished  to  risk  a  renewal  of 
the  conflict,  and  so  an  agi'eement  was  reached,  bj^  the  terms 
of  which  the  thieves  were  to  withdraw  after  receiving  a 
specified  amount  of  plunder,  together  with  a  camel  to  carry 
it  away.^'*  Thus  the  struggle  was  ended  satisfactorily ;  but 
the  fear  of  this  and  of  other  bands  of  robbers  followed 
the  travelers  to  the  end  of  their  journey. 

Finally,  on  December  23,  the  caravan  entered  Bokhara, 
a  large,  walled  city  in  Bactria,  commercially  important 
because  its  central  location  made  it  a  meeting  place  for  the 
merchants  of  the  East  and  of  the  West  for  the  interchange 
of  their  wares.  It  had  been  just  eight  months  since  Jen- 
kinson  and  his  companions  set  out  from  IMoscow  and  four 
months  and  a  half  since  they  entered  the  Caspian  Sea ; 
and  later  Jenkinson  estimated  that  the  remainder  of  the 
journey  to  Cathay  would  have  occupied  nine  months 
more.^^     Three  days  after  his  arrival  Jenkinson  dined  with 

29Hakluyt,    II,    466. 

30  Soldiers  sent  out  from  Bokhara  later  broke  up  the  band  and 
recovered  part  of  the  goods.     Ibid.,  II,   471-472. 

31  Ibid.,  II,   473. 


138  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

Abdullah  Khan,  the  ruler  of  Bokhara,  and  presented  to 
him  the  letters  of  the  Czar  of  Russia.  On  various  oc- 
casions the  Khan  sent  for  him  to  discuss  the  power  of  the 
Czar  and  of  the  Great  Turk,  as  well  as  other  subjects. 
However,  their  relations  were  not  in  all  respects  so  sat- 
isfactory, as  Jenkinson  wrote  that  "before  my  departure 
he  shewed  himself  a  very  Tartar ;  for  he  went  to  the  warres 
owing  me  money. "  ^-  It  became  necessary  for  him  to  remit 
part  of  the  debt  and  to  take  wares  in  payment  of  the  rest. 

During  the  three  months  and  a  half  that  he  was  at 
Bokhara,  Jenkinson  had  ample  opportunity  to  study  the 
commercial  situation  in  detail.  Apparently  local  condi- 
tions were  not  very  favorable  to  trade,  although  one  of 
the  quarters  into  which  the  city  was  divided  was  set  apart 
for  merchants  and  markets.  The  revenues  of  the  Khan 
were  small  and  depended  largely  upon  his  impositions 
on  trade :  he  is  said  to  have  taken  the  tenth  penny  in  all 
sales  made  within  the  city,  either  by  craftsmen  or  mer- 
chants, to  the  great  impoverishment  of  the  people ;  also 
when  in  need  of  money  he  sent  his  officers  to  the  shops 
to  seize  the  wares  of  the  merchants,  as  was  done  to  pay 
Jenkinson  for  some  kersies.  Besides  he  seems  to  have 
manipulated  the  coinage  to  his  own  advantage. 

Every  year  great  numbers  of  merchants  resorted  to  Bok- 
hara, traveling  thither  from  India,  Persia,  Balkh,  Russia, 
and  various  other  countries,  and  also  from  Cathay  until  the 
closing  of  the  passage  shortly  before  Jenkinson 's  arrival. 
To  the  Englishman  these  merchants  seemed  beggarly  and 
poor  and  the  wares  they  brought  small  in  quantity,  while 
often  two  or  three  years  were  necessary  to  dispose  of 
them.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  he  regarded 
the  trade  as  hardly  worth  following.^^  However  that  may 
have  been,  there  are  certain  features  of  the  trade  centering 

32Hakluyt,  II,  471. 
33  Ibid.,  II,  470-473. 


SEARCH  FOR  OVERLAND  ROUTE     139 

in  Bokhara  that  undoubtedly  had  an  important  bearing 
upon  Jenkinson's  mission  into  central  Asia.  For  one  thing 
the  existence  of  commercial  relations  with  Russia  seems 
to  show  how  fully  Jenkinson  had  been  proceeding  along 
well-known  and  established  lines  of  trade.  Furthermore, 
it  is  clear  that  Bokhara  was  not  a  promising  market  for 
English  cloths;  the  Persian  merchants  themselves  brought 
thither  various  sorts  of  cloth,  part  of  which  at  least  they 
obtained  at  Aleppo  or  through  the  Turkish  merchants, 
while  the  merchants  from  India  refused  to  barter  their 
commodities  for  Jenkinson's  kersies.  Besides,  it  was  seen 
that  the  latter  did  not  bring  to  Bokhara  any  gold,  silver, 
precious  stones,  or  spices,  as  all  such  trade  now  passed  by 
way  of  the  sea,  the  markets  being  under  Portuguese  con- 
trol. But  the  most  discouraging  fact  of  all  was  the  knowl- 
edge that  for  three  years  the  passage  to  the  eastward  had 
been  closed  on  account  of  wars  in  the  region  of  Tashkend 
and  Kashgar,  thus  not  only  shutting  off  the  commodities 
that  usually  came  from  Cathay  but  also  making  it  impos- 
sible for  Jenkinson  to  continue  his  quest  for  an  overland 
route  to  that  country,  which  was  the  primary  reason  for 
undertaking  his  journey.^*  Under  these  conditions,  there- 
fore, Jenkinson  and  his  companions  had  to  content  them- 
selves with  collecting  at  Bokhara  what  information  they 
could  in  regard  to  Cathay  and  the  various  routes  by  which 
it  might  be  reached.^^ 

In  the  spring,  when  the  caravans  began  to  depart  and 
when  it  seemed  probable  that  Bokhara  would  be  besieged 
as  a  result  of  the  renewal  of  the  war  with  Khorassan, 
jenkinson  determined  that  it  was  time  to  set  out  on  the 
return  journey.     At  first  he  thought  of  returning  by  way 

34Hakluyt,  II,  473;  Early  Voyages  and  Travels,  I,  107-108. 

35  As  Jenkinson  reserved  his  discussion  of  Cathay  until  his  return 
his  opinions  are  not  definitely  known.  His  companion,  Richard 
Johnson,  collected  information  concerning  the  various  routes  to 
Cathay.     Hakluyt,  II,  474,  480-482. 


140  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

of  Persia  in  order  to  investigate  its  commercial  possibili- 
ties more  thoroughly  than  he  had  been  able  to  do  at  As- 
trakhan and  Bokhara.  But  for  various  reasons  he  was 
unable  to  carry  out  this  plan,  among  them  being  the  clos- 
ing of  the  routes  in  that  direction  by  the  renewal  of  the 
war  with  the  Shah  and  the  action  of  the  "metropolitan" 
of  Bokhara  in  seizing  the  letters  of  safe  conduct  the  Czar 
had  given  him,  without  which,  he  says,  he  could  not  have 
traveled  in  any  safety.  Furthermore,  he  had  become  con- 
vinced that  the  wares  he  had  received  in  barter  or  in  lieu 
of  money  due  him  were  not  suitable  for  the  Persian  trade.^" 
Thus  it  became  necessary  to  return  by  the  same  route  that 
he  had  come. 

On  March  8,  1559,  the  return  journey  was  begun,  in 
company  with  a  caravan  numbering  six  hundred  camels.^' 
In  due  time  Urgendj  and  Vezir  were  reached:  near  the 
former  the  caravan  fortunately  escaped  a  large  band  of 
rovers  who  were  lying  in  wait  for  its  return,  at  the  latter 
the  preparations  were  made  for  the  final  stage  of  the 
journey  to  the  Caspian  Sea.  The  voyage  by  sea  to  As- 
trakhan lasted  from  April  23  to  May  28  on  account  of 
storms  and  other  difficulties.  After  a  long,  monotonous 
trip,  by  water  to  Murom,  thence  by  land,  Jenkinson  early 
in  September  appeared  before  the  Czar  at  Moscow,  pre- 
sented to  him  several  ambassadors  who  had  been  sent  to 
Russia  under  his  care  from  the  rulers  of  Bokhara,  Baikh, 
and  Urgendj, ^^  and  answered  his  various  questions  touch- 
ing the  countries  that  had  been  visited.  The  following 
February  he  went  to  Vologda,  remained  there  until  the 

30Hakliiyt,  II,  474. 

37  This  calls  for  the  same  comment  as  ante,  p.  134,  note  21.  The 
statement  in  R.  H.  S.  Trans.,  VII,  69,  that  he  returned  with  six 
hundred  camel  loads  of  Oriental  merchandise  may  be  given  as  a 
further  example  of  such  statements. 

38  This  is  significant  as  a  recognition  of  Russian  influence.  How- 
ever, Jenkinson  was  probably  mistaken  in  regarding  it  as  the  first 
of  such  embassies.     Early  Voyages  and  Travels,  I,  94,  note  2. 


SEARCH  FOR  OVERLAND  ROUTE     141 

opening  of  navigation,  and  then  proceeded  to  Kholmogory 
to  await  the  embarkation  for  England. 

Such  is  the  history  of  Jenkinson  's  attempt,  under  author- 
ity of  the  Muscovy  Company,  to  solve  by  a  direct  overland 
route  from  Russia  the  problem  of  reaching  the  markets 
of  Cathay.  Though  he  failed  in  his  endeavor  to  open 
such  a  route,  his  actual  achievement  is  such  as  to  entitle 
him  to  a  high  place  in  the  list  of  Elizabethan  explorers. 
The  first  of  his  nation  to  penetrate  into  Asia,  he  had  trav- 
eled through  a  dangerous  and  little  known  region  as  far 
as  Bokhara,  and  had  explored  and  described  the  Volga 
and  eastern  and  southeastern  Russia,  the  northern  portion 
of  the  Caspian  Sea,  and  the  various  Tartar  kingdoms  east- 
ward as  far  as  Bactria.  In  a  word,  he  had  added  much 
to  the  geographical  knowledge  of  his  time.^^  However, 
he  was  always  mindful  of  the  interests  of  the  English  mer- 
chants, and  thus  was  especially  concerned  with  the  pos- 
sibilities of  trade  in  the  different  countries  he  entered. 
Though  his  conclusions  were  not  very  flattering,  still  they 
do  not  seem  to  have  discouraged  further  activity  beyond 
the  borders  of  Russia,  as  his  return  was  followed  by  a 
succession  of  voyages  into  Asia  for  purposes  of  trade.  The 
only  reference  to  the  immediate  pecuniary  results  of  the 
undertaking  is  Jenkinson 's  statement  that,  in  spite  of  dan- 
gers, losses,  expenses,  and  disappointments,  he  had  brought 
back  merchandise  sufficient  "to  answere  the  principall  with 
profite.""" 

30  A  full  discussion  of  Jenkinson's  services  to  geography  may  be 
found  in  Early  Voyages  and  Travels,  introd.  pp.  CXIII-CXLVIII. 
The  map  attributed  to  him  is  given  opp.  p.  OXX. 

iolhid.,  I,   108. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE   ESTABLISHMENT   OF    TRADING    RELATIONS   WITH   PERSIA 

As  the  voyage  of  Richard  Chancellor  laid  the  founda- 
tion for  the  English  trade  with  Russia,  so  that  of  Anthony 
Jenkinson  over  the  Caspian  Sea  pointed  out  the  way  from 
Russia  to  the  countries  of  western  Asia  and  determined  the 
direction  of  all  further  efforts  of  the  Muscovy  Company 
in  that  region.  It  was  evident,  as  a  result  of  the  journey 
to  Bokhara,  that  a  route  overland  to  Cathay  was  not  only 
dangerous  and  difficult  but  under  existing  conditions 
actually  impossible,  and  so,  probably  upon  Jenkinson 's  ad- 
vice, the  activities  of  the  English  merchants  were  turned 
towards  Persia.  As  has  been  pointed  out,  Jenkinson  had 
made  inquiries  concerning  the  Persian  trade  and  perhaps 
at  both  Astrakhan  and  Bokhara  had  come  in  contact  Avith 
the  merchants  from  that  country,  and,  when  he  found  fur- 
ther progress  eastward  effectually  blocked,  he  had  for  a 
time  thought  of  going  there.  Also,  upon  his  return  to 
Moscow  he  definitely  expressed  the  belief  that  the  regions 
adjacent  to  the  Caspian  Sea  offered  a  good  field  for  the 
activities  of  the  Company.^  Thus  in  1561,  the  year  fol- 
lowing his  arrival  in  England,  the  INIuscovy  Company  de- 
termined to  attempt  the  establishment  of  trading  relations 
in  the  region  suggested  by  him. 

There  were  at  this  time  several  advantages  to  be  de- 
rived from  the  development  of  the  Persian  trade.  In  the 
first  place,  the  fact  that  the  best  silk  producing  provinces, 
Shirvan,  Ghilan,  and  Mazanderan,  were  in  northern  Persia, 
in  immediate  proximity  to  the  Caspian  Sea  and  thus  easily 
accessible  from  Russia,  promised  to  the  English  merchants 

1  Early  Voyages  and  Travels,  I,  108. 

142 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE      143 

an  advantage  over  the  Portuguese  whose  harbors  for  the 
exportation  of  that  valuable  commodity  were  several  hun- 
dred miles  distant  from  the  source  of  supply.  In  the  sec- 
ond place,  the  advantage  of  such  trading  relations  was 
enhanced  by  the  ever-present  possibility  of  war  between 
Turkey  and  Persia,  the  two  rival  Mohammedan  states,  and 
of  the  consequent  closing  of  the  usual  lines  by  which 
European  wares  reached  the  latter.  And  finally,  with 
Persia  as  a  new  base  of  operations,  it  was  hoped  that  the 
English  merchants  might  push  on  by  caravan  towards  the 
Persian  Gulf  and  India  and  thus  divert  the  much-desired 
products  of  the  south  from  the  Portuguese  to  the  Russo- 
Caspian  route.  As  Ormuz  was  so  much  nearer  than 
Cathay,  the  advantages  of  this  plan  over  the  previous  one 
were  very  e^ddent.  That  such  an  overland  route  towards 
India  now  became  an  ultimate  aim  of  the  Muscovy  Com- 
pany will  clearly  appear  in  the  course  of  the  narrative  of 
the  successive  expeditions  from  Astrakhan  southward  over 
the  Caspian  Sea. 

During  the  period  from  1561  to  1581  there  were  six 
of  these  ''voyages"  or  expeditions  sent  out  by  the  English 
merchants  and  the  Persian  trade  was  prosecuted  with  cour- 
age and  perseverance  in  the  face  of  the  most  serious  diffi- 
culties and  discouragements.  It  is  believed  that  these  ex- 
peditions are  worthy  of  being  better  known,  especially  as 
they  illustrate  so  well  the  exploring  and  commercial  activi- 
ties of  the  age,  and  it  is  the  purpose  of  this  and  the  fol- 
lomng  chapters  to  describe  them  as  clearly  as  possible, 
though  primarily  from  the  economic  rather  than  from  the 
geographical  point  of  view. 

As  was  most  fitting,  Anthony  Jenkinson,  now  in  the 
sei'vice  of  the  Queen  as  well  as  of  the  Muscovy  Company,^ 
was  commissioned  to  carry  out  the  new  project.  Once 
more  Elizabeth  wrote  to  the  Czar  in  his  behalf,  requesting 

2  Hakluyt,  III,  5. 


144  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

for  him  freedom  and  safe  conduct  in  passing  through  the 
Russian  dominions.  She  also  made  request  that  the  Czar 
commend  Jcnkinson  to  other  foreign  princes  and  especially 
"to  the  Great  Sophie,  and  Emperor  of  Persia,  into  whose 
Empire  and  Jurisdictions,  the  same  our  servant  purposeth 
with  his  for  to  journey  chiefly  for  triall  of  forreine  mer- 
chandizes. "  ^  At  the  same  time  Elizabeth  sent  a  letter 
to  the  Shah,  in  which  she  announced  Jenkinson's  purpose, 
assured  him  that  the  enterprise  was  grounded  only  upon 
the  honest  intent  of  establishing  trade  with  his  subjects 
and  with  other  strangers  trading  in  his  realm,  and  re- 
quested that  he  give  passports  and  protection  to  the  trav- 
eler for  himself,  his  servants,  and  his  merchandise,  so  that 
he  might  go  about  freely  in  the  Persian  dominions.  She 
concluded  with  the  hope  that,  if  friendly  relations  were 
established  between  them,  these  small  beginnings  would 
lead  to  great  results,  to  the  honor  as  well  as  to  the  profit 
of  both  kingdoms.* 

The  instructions  ^  issued  by  the  Muscovy  Company  fur- 
nish an  excellent  view  of  the  preparations,  the  necessary 
procedure,  and  the  purposes  of  the  expedition.  According 
to  these  instructions,  Jcnkinson  was  to  proceed  to  Russia, 
present  the  Company's  gift  and  the  Queen's  letters  to 
the  Czar,  and  then  make  request  for  license  and  safe  con- 
duct to  pass  to  and  from  Persia,  or  other  lands,  mth  what- 
ever merchandise  he  desired  to  carry  with  him.  Further- 
more, if  considered  advisable  by  Jenkinson  and  the  factors 
in  Russia,  an  agreement  was  to  be  made  with  the  Czar 
concerning  the  payment  of  a  certain  amount  of  duty  upon 
all  goods  thus  passing  through  Russia,  in  order  better  to 
secure  the  imperial  favor.  This  did  not  prove  necessary, 
however,  as  the  same  object  was  served  by  the  Czar's  pe- 

sHakluyt,  III,  5. 

4  Ibid.,  in,  7-8. 

5  Hid.,    Ill,   9-14. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE      145 

cuniary  interest  in  the  voyage.  Freedom  of  passage  once 
obtained,  Jenkinson  should  select  such  servants  and  ap- 
prentices of  the  Company  as  he  desired  for  the  expedition, 
and  these  were  to  be  strictly  subject  to  his  orders. 

The  wares  proposed  for  the  Persian  market  were  not 
the  same  as  those  intended  for  Russia.  To  the  latter  coun- 
try the  Company  sent  cloth  of  gold,  plate,  pearls,  sap- 
phires, and  other  jewels,  and  these,  even  if  not  disposed 
of  to  advantage  in  Russia,  were  not  to  be  taken  to  Persia, 
at  least  to  any  great  value.  In  addition  to  these,  how- 
ever, there  were  placed  on  the  ships  eighty  fardels,  con- 
taining four  hundred  kersies,  packed  for  the  Persian  trade, 
though  it  was  considered  desirable,  if  the  market  were 
favorable,  to  dispose  of  part  of  these  in  Russia,  as  the 
market  in  Persia  or  neighboring  lands  was  as  yet  quite  un- 
certain. Also  Jenkinson  was  to  take  from  Russia  such 
kersies  and  other  cloths  as  seemed  to  him  suitable  for 
Persia,  and  furthermore  any  desirable  Russian  commodi- 
ties were  to  be  provided  for  him  by  the  agents  of  the 
Company. 

When  Persia  was  reached,  Jenkinson 's  instructions  re- 
quired that  he  should  proceed  to  the  Shah's  court  to  pro- 
cure letters  of  privilege  which  would  serve  as  a  basis  for 
the  future  development  of  trade  in  that  country.  It  was 
desired  that  this  grant  should  include  permission  to  the 
factors  of  the  Muscovy  Company  to  pass  with  their  mer- 
chandise through  Persia  into  India  or  adjacent  countries, 
and  in  like  manner  to  return. 

There  are  two  characteristics  of  these  instructions  that 
are  worthy  of  special  mention.  In  the  first  place,  they 
gave  to  Jenkinson  great  power  and  discretion  in  the  selec- 
tion of  wares  and  of  servants,  in  the  choice  of  routes,  in 
the  disposal  of  merchandise,  and  in  other  matters,  thus 
showing  a  aWsc  dependence  upon  the  judgment  of  an  ex- 
perienced and   trusted   agent.     In  the  second   place,   the 


146  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

instructions  reflect  some  uncertainty  in  regard  to  the  pas- 
sage into  Persia  and  the  possibilities  of  the  trade  there. 
Thus,  on  the  question  of  the  passage,  it  is  provided  that, 
in  case  the  journey  proved  impossible  the  following  sum- 
mer, Jenkinson  should  try  to  dispose  of  the  kersies  and 
other  wares  in  Russia  and  then  employ  himself  in  the 
search  for  a  passage  around  Nova  Zembla,®  or  else  return 
to  England.  If  the  Russian  market  should  prove  to  be 
poor  and  a  passage  to  Persia  in  1563  should  seem  to  be 
reasonably  sure,  then  he  was  to  wait  for  a  year  and  pro- 
ceed to  Persia  as  planned.  If  both  alternatives  failed,  he 
was  then  to  carry  his  wares  to  Constantinople  or  wherever 
the  market  appeared  most  promising. 

On  May  14,  1561,  Jenkinson  embarked  at  Gravesend, 
just  two  months  later  he  reached  St.  Nicholas,  and  by 
August  20  he  was  in  Moscow.''  It  was  only  after  some  de- 
lay and  considerable  dispute  that  he  was  permitted  to 
present  in  person  his  letters  to  the  Czar,  and  then  his  re- 
quest concerning  passage  into  Persia  was  denied.*  He 
disposed  of  the  greater  part  of  the  wares  intended  for 
Persia  and  was  on  the  point  of  returning  to  England  when 
the  intervention  of  Osep  Napea®  secured  for  him  a  recon- 
sideration, with  the  result  that  he  received  not  only  free- 

«  They  also  suggested  that  Richard  Johnson  be  employed  in  the 
same  direction :  "because  the  Russes  say  that  in  travelling  East- 
wardes  from  Colmogro  thirty  or  forty  dayes  journey,  there  is  the 
maine  sea  to  be  found,  we  thinke  that  Richard  Johnson  might 
employ  his  time  that  way  by  land,  and  to  be  at  Mosco  time 
enough   to  goe  with   you  into   Persia."     Hakluyt,   III,    14. 

7  This  is  the  eighth  of  the  voyages  to  Russia  under  the  auspices 
of  the  English  merchants.     Hid.,  Ill,  9. 

8  The  ostensible  reason  for  refusal  was  a  proposed  military  ex- 
pedition to  Circassia,  but  Jenkinson  suspected  other  motives.  Ibid., 
Ill,  17. 

9  In  1557  Osep  Napea  had  been  Russian  ambassador  to  England 
and  had  returned  with  Jenkinson  on  the  latter's  first  voyage.  For 
an  interesting  account  of  his  reception  in  England,  see  Ibid., 
II,  354-357.  See  also  Machin,  Diary,  127,  130,  132,  and  Acts  of 
Privy  Council,    (1556-8),  27,  52,  55-57. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE      147 

dom  of  passage  and  letters  of  commendation  to  foreign 
princes  but  also  certain  commissions  from  the  Czar  him- 
self. Again  preparing  for  the  expedition,  he  departed 
from  Moscow  on  April  27,  1562,  in  company  with  the  am- 
bassador of  Persia.^*'  Upon  reaching  Astrakhan,  the  ship 
for  the  Caspian  voyage  was  prepared,  and  on  July  15  Jen- 
kinson  and  his  company  set  sail,  for  a  time  under  convoy 
of  two  Russian  brigantines  as  a  protection  against  pirates. 
This  time  the  course  was  to  the  southward  along  the  west- 
ern shore  of  the  Caspian.  Successful  in  surmounting  the 
usual  dangers  of  navigation,  shoals,  storms,  and  robbers, 
Jenkinson  landed  at  Derbend,  an  important  port  and  fron- 
tier fortress  of  the  Persians.  The  final  landing  place,  how- 
ever, was  at  Shabran,  midway  between  Derbend  and  Baku, 
which  was  reached  two  days  later.  Here  the  ship  was  un- 
loaded and  the  preparations  made  for  the  inland  journey, 
during  the  course  of  which  the  governor  at  Shabran 
showed  his  friendliness  to  Jenkinson  by  appointing  a  guard 
of  forty  armed  men  for  his  protection  against  rovers.  On 
August  12  word  came  from  the  ruler  of  Shirvan  that 
Jenkinson  should  be  permitted  to  proceed  on  the  journey 
to  Shemakha.  He  reached  that  place  August  18,  and  two 
days  later  was  admitted  to  the  presence  of  Abdullah  Khan 
at  his  court  twenty  miles  outside  the  city,  being  there 
well  received  and  invited  to  dine  in  the  royal  presence.^^ 
During  the  dinner  Abdullah  Khan  questioned  him  con- 
cerning his  country  and  religion,  the  relative  power  of  the 
Emperor,  the  Czar,  and  the  Great  Turk,  and  various  other 
things,  and  then  demanded  to  know  the  cause  of  his  com- 

10  Jenkinson's  account  of  the  expedition,  including  the  voyage  from 
England  to  Moscow,  is  given  in  Hakluyt,  III,  15-38,  or  in  Early 
Voyages  and  Travels,  I,  121-156.  The  latter  gives  in  the  notes  a 
few  instances  of  different  readings  in  the  MS8.  in  the  Hatfield  and 
the   Ilelmingham   Hall   collections. 

11  Hakluyt,  III,  21-22.  To  dine  in  the  royal  presence  was  a 
mark  of  favor,  both  in  Russia  and  Asia.  Various  other  instances 
might  be  given,  as  Ibid.,  II,  227-229,  II,  420,  421,  III,  47,  etc. 


148  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

inf?  and  his  ultimate  destination,  all  of  which  he  appar- 
ently answered  to  the  Khan's  satisfaction.  In  the  end 
he  was  promised  not  only  freedom  of  passage  but  also  a 
bodypr^iard  to  conduct  him  to  the  Shah  at  Kazvin,  a  thirty 
days'  journey  distant.  Before  dismissing  Jenkinson  the 
Khan  showed  him  further  favors,  the  most  important  of 
which  was  freedom  from  castom  for  all  of  his  merchandise.^- 
Thus,  the  beginning  of  the  Persian  venture  was  all  that 
Jenkiuvson  could  desire,  and  his  success  seemed  to  promise 
well  for  a  favorable  reception  from  the  Shah. 

While  at  Shemakha  Jenkinson  outlined  the  arguments 
by  which  he  hoped  to  -v^dn  the  favor  of  the  Persian  ruler. 
That  these  arguments  were  based  squarely  upon  the  idea 
of  common  hostility  to  the  Turks  is  clearly  shown  by  the 
following  statement  of  the  case.  The  English,  not  being 
friendly  with  the  Turks,  are  not  permitted  to  pass  through 
Turkish  territory  into  Persia,  while  the  Venetians,  in 
league  with  them  and  enjoying  certain  privileges,  are  able 
through  them  to  supply  the  Shah's  dominions  with  English 
goods.  If  it  should  please  the  Shah  to  grant  to  the  Eng- 
lish merchants  privileges  similar  to  those  granted  by  the 
Turks  to  the  Venetians,  a  great  and  profitable  trade  would 
in  all  probability  result ;  the  Persians  would  be  supplied 
with  the  English  commodities  and  also  have  a  market  for 
their  own  products,  ' '  although  there  never  came  Turke  into 
the  land."  ^^  Abdullah  Khan,  it  is  said,  was  so  well  pleased 
with  the  policy  thus  outlined  that  he  wrote  to  the  Shah 

isTIakluyt,  III,  22. 

13  Ibid.,  Ill,  28.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  point  out  that 
Jenkinson's  argument  does  not  accurately  represent  the  situation. 
Venice  had  made  peace  with  the  Turks  in  1540,  and  for  the  next 
thirty  years  tried  to  avoid  warfare  as  a  means  of  self-protection. 
Soon  after  1566  the  Turks  began  to  plan  the  capture  of  Cyprus, 
which  was  actually  taken  in  1571.  Tlius,  though  the  two  coun- 
tries were  at  peace  at  the  time  Jenkinson  went  to  Persia,  the  Turk 
was  nevertheless  the  greatest  enemy  of  the  Venetians.  Brown, 
Venice,   362-371, 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE      149 

in  regard  to  it,  and  at  the  same  time  be  assured  Jenkinson 
that  his  request  would  meet  with  a  satisfactory  answer. 

The  province  of  Shirvan,  which  was  destined  for  the 
next  few  years  to  be  so  closely  connected  with  the  activi- 
ties of  the  Muscovy  Company  in  western  Asia,  was  ruled 
over  by  Abdullah  Khan,  though  in  subordination  to  the 
Shah  of  Persia.  It  is  described  as  being  in  a  state  of 
decline,  due  largely  to  its  subjection  and  to  the  many  wars 
fought  between  the  Turks  and  Persians  for  its  possession. 
Shemakha,  though  still  the  most  important  town,  was  much 
decayed,  while  Arrash  was  becoming  a  wealthy  trading 
center  and  the  chief  mart  for  raw  silk,  being  resorted  to 
by  Turkish,  Syrian,  Russian,  and  other  foreign  merchants. 
The  most  important  commodities  of  Shirvan  were  gall  nuts, 
cotton,  alum,  and  especially  raw  silk,  and,  in  addition, 
small  quantities  of  drugs,  spices,  and  other  products, 
brought  thither  from  India.^* 

After  providing  camels,  horses,  and  other  necessaries 
for  his  journe.y,  Jenkinson  on  October  16  left  Shemakha 
to  seek  the  Persian  ruler.  His  route  to  Kazvin  was  by  way 
of  Jevat  and  Ardebil  and  thence  for  ten  days  through  the 
Elburz  mountains.  Upon  his  arrival,  November  2,  1562, 
he  was  given  lodgings  near  the  royal  palace  and  in  due 
time  was  entertained  by  a  son  of  Abdullah  Khan  at  the 
command  of  the  Shah.  However,  his  request  for  an  op- 
portunity to  present  Elizabeth's  letter  met  with  the  re- 
sponse that  great  affairs  were  in  hand  and  that  he  must 
wait  until  they  were  finished,  though  in  the  meantime  he 
could  get  his  present  ready  for  the  Shah. 

The  "great  affaires"  proved  to  be  negotiations  between 
the  Sultan  and  the  Shah  for  a  permanent  peace,  the 
Turkish  ambassador  having  reached  Kazvin  four  days  be- 
fore Jenkinson 's  arrival,  and  shortly  thereafter  the  peace 
was  duly  sworn  to,^^  a  result  that  had  disastrous  conse- 

"Hakluyt,  III,  24. 

iB/6id.,  Ill,  27,  28;  Malcolm,  History  of  Persia,  1,  332.  • 


150  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

quences  for  the  English  mission  to  Persia.  For  one  thing 
it  was  a  serious  obstacle  to  the  further  presentation  of  the 
arguments  given  at  Shemakha.  Moreover,  the  Turkish 
merchants  in  Persia  at  once  began  to  insist  that  Jenkin- 
son's  arrival  was  inimical  to  their  trade  and  consequently 
they  demanded  that  the  Shah  should  refuse  to  show  him 
any  favor,  apparently  making  this  question  a  test  of  the 
new  treaty  of  friendship  and  alliance."  Evidently  the 
Turkish  merchants  saw  that  their  exclusive  control  of  the 
northern  outlets  of  the  Persian  trade  was  threatened  by 
the  English  movement  through  Russia. 

When,  on  November  20,  Jenkinson  was  finally  admitted 
to  an  audience  with  the  Shah,^^  the  result  of  the  hostile 
influences  at  the  court  was  very  clearly  shown.  Follow- 
ing Jenkinson 's  presentation  of  his  gifts  and  letters  and 
the  statement  of  the  object  of  his  mission  to  Persia  the 
usual  questioning  began,  in  the  course  of  which  the  Shah 
finally  turned  to  the  question  of  religion  and  demanded 
of  him  whether  he  was  an  unbeliever  or  a  ]\Iussulman. 
Upon  his  admission  that  he  was  a  Christian,  the  Shah 
repudiated  all  thought  of  friendship  with  a  confessed  un- 
believer, and  so  commanded  him  to  depart  from  his  pres- 
ence. Thus  matters  stood  for  a  time.  Finally,  it  was 
decided  that  Jenkinson  should  neither  be  received  with 
friendliness  nor  dismissed  with  favor;  inasmuch  as  he  was 
a  "Frank"  and  of  a  nation  hostile  to  the  Turks,  it  was 
feared  that  any  other  treatment  might  displease  the  Sultan 
and  lead  to  the  breaking  of  the  lately  concluded  peace. 
Furthermore,  it  seemed  to  the  Shah  that  there  was  no  ad- 

16  Hakluyt,  III,  29,  31. 

1'  Eden,  History  of  Travayle,  323,  324,  says  it  was  Abdullah  Khan's 
influence  alone  that  obtained  even  this  much  attention.  It  was 
argued  that  Christians  were  mortal  enemies  of  the  Turks  and  Per- 
sians and  their  religion.  Abdullah  Khan  himself  stated  that  both 
the  merchants  and  the  holy  men  (?)  were  opposed  to  Jenkinson. 
Hakluyt,  III,  33. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE      151 

vantage  in  friendship  with  unbelievers  whose  country  was 
so  far  away,  and  that  the  best  thing  to  do  was  to  send 
Jenkinson  to  the  Great  Turk  as  a  present/^  Fortunately 
for  Jenkinson,  however,  his  friend  Abdullah  Khan  inter- 
fered in  his  behalf,  with  the  result  that  on  March  30,  1563, 
he  was  permitted  to  \A'ithdraw  from  Kazvin  in  safety. 

Thus  it  was  brought  home  to  the  sanguine  pioneer  of 
trade  that  the  difficulties  with  which  he  must  contend  were 
much  more  numerous  and  varied  than  merely  those  of  a 
physical  and  economic  nature.  Religion,  political  affilia- 
tions, the  complications  of  distant  international  alliances, 
the  exigencies  of  war  and  the  intrigues  of  rival  merchants, 
all  entered  into  the  intricate  problem  and  made  more  diffi- 
cult its  solution. 

On  the  return  journey  from  Kazvin  to  Shemakha  Jen- 
kinson met  Abdullah  Khan  at  Jevat  and  received  from  him 
letters  of  safe  conduct  and  a  grant  of  privileges  for  the 
English  merchants,  together  with  other  marks  of  that 
ruler's  favor.  While  delayed  at  Shemakha  to  provide 
camels  for  the  journey  to  the  sea,  he  sent  men  on  before 
to  repair  the  ship  and  have  it  in  readiness.  Also  he  sent 
his  companion,  Edward  Clark,  to  Arrash,  with  a  com- 
mission to  proceed  from  there  into  Georgia  for  the  purpose 
of  establishing  trading  relations  with  that  country.  When 
Clark  was  approaching  the  Georgian  frontier,  however,  the 
discovery  that  he  was  a  Christian  threatened  to  prevent 
the  success  of  the  undertaking,  and  so  he  returned  to 
Shemakha.^^  Jenkinson  arrived  at  Astrakhan  with  his  mer- 
chandise on  ]\[ay  30,  and  at  Moscow  nearly  three  months 
later,  where  he  spent  the  following  winter,  that  of  1563- 
1564. 

In  accordance  with  the  Czar's  command,  all  the  mer- 
chandise from  Pei^ia  was  taken  to  the  imperial  treasury 

isHakluyt,   III,  31. 
19  Ibid.,  Ill,  34. 


152  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

to  be  opened.  Fortunately  those  wares  purchased  under 
commission  from  the  Czar,  that  is,  precious  stones  and 
wrought  silks  of  various  sorts  and  colors,  proved  satisfac- 
tory to  him.  Those  belonging  to  the  Company,  coarse 
linens,  raw  silks,  and  other  merchandise,  were  either  stored 
in  their  warehouse  in  Moscow  or  sent  to  England.  As  the 
Czar  seemed  especially  well  pleased  with  Jenkinson's  con- 
duct of  "the  princes  affaires"  that  had  been  committed 
to  his  charge,  the  latter  took  advantage  of  the  situation  to 
ask  in  behalf  of  the  Company  for  a  new  and  fuller  grant 
of  privileges,  which  was  immediately  promised  and  later 
obtained  under  his  Majesty's  seal.^°  During  the  winter, 
also,  Jenkinson  organized  a  second  expedition  for  Persia 
to  be  sent  out  under  another  representative  of  the  Com- 
pany the  following  spring.  On  June  28,  1564,  he  himself 
left  Moscow,  and  on  September  28  reached  London  after 
an  absence  of  nearly  three  years  and  a  half."^ 

On  the  whole,  this  second  voyage  of  Jenkinson  must 
be  regarded,  like  the  first,  as  failing  in  its  purpose,  for 
the  two  main  objects  of  his  mission,  the  establishment  of 
a  trade  with  Persia  and  of  a  route  to  India,  had  not  been 
accomplished  and  apparently  their  attainment  had  been 
made  improbable  by  the  treaty  between  the  Shah  and 
the  Sultan.  There  are  some  indications,  however,  that  at 
heart  the  former  was  favorably  disposed  towards  Jenkinson 
and  the  English  merchants.     Aside  from  the  open  and  ef- 

20  Hakluyt,  III,  33,  37.  There  seems  to  be  no  further  record  of 
any  such  privileges,  though  Jenkinson  here  speaks  of  two  copies 
being  made. 

21  Artluir  Edwards,  Jenkinson's  chief  successor,  thus  wrote  to 
the  Company  regarding  him:  "Master  Anthonie  Jenkinson  hath 
deserved  great  commendation  at  all  your  worships  hands;  for  the 
good  report  of  his  well  and  wise  doings  in  those  parts  [Persia], 
was  oftentimes  a  comfort  to  me  to  heare  thereof,  and  some  good  help 
to  me  in  my  proceedings."  Ibid.,  Ill,  63.  The  grants  of  the 
Czar  and  Shah  in  1567  show  that  Jenkinson  shortly  became  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Company.     Ibid.,  Ill,  64,  93. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE      153 

fective  friendship  of  Abdullah  Khan,  reference  may  be 
made  to  the  fact  that  after  Jenkinson's  dismissal  from 
Kazvin  orders  had  come  from  the  Shah  to  entertain  him 
well,  and  further  to  Jenkinson's  belief  that  the  Shah  him- 
self intended  to  receive  him  favorably  and  would  have 
done  so  except  for  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty.^^  The 
conditions  surely  were  not  as  discouraging  to  the  Company 
as  they  seem  to  a  later  student,  for  the  next  year  another 
agent  of  the  Muscovy  Company  made  the  journey  to  Kaz- 
vin on  a  similar  mission. 

The  voyage  itself,  however,  was  by  no  means  a  complete 
failure.  For  one  thing  Jenkinson  brought  back  a  much 
fuller  knowledge  of  the  lands  to  the  south  of  the  Caspian 
Sea  and  of  the  political  and  commercial  conditions  pre- 
vailing there.  It  was  something,  also,  that  Ivan  IV  was 
favorably  disposed  to  the  undertaking  and  even  committed 
to  it  through  his  interest  in  its  results.  Then,  too,  in  spite 
of  unfavorable  conditions,  considerable  merchandise  had 
been  brought  back  from  Persia,  though  it  is  impossible  to 
say  whether  or  not  the  expedition  proved  financially  profit- 
able. But  after  all,  although  the  English  merchants  had 
not  received  permission  to  enter  Persia  itself  they  had  ob- 
tained from  Abdullah  Khan,  a  valuable  grant  of  priv- 
ileges for  trade  in  the  province  of  Shirvan,  as  a  result  of 
which  they  were  assured  of  an  excellent  starting  point  for 
future  expeditions.  This  grant  of  privileges,  obtained 
April  14,  1563,  is  brief  though  comprehensive.^^  It  gave 
to  the  ''companie  of  merchants  Adventurers  of  the  Citie 
of  London"  the  following  privileges:  license  and  safe  con- 
duct to  trade  in  Shirvan  with  both  the  Persian  and  the 
foreign  merchants,  freedom  from  the  payment  of  custom 
on  any  wares  bought  or  sold  in  that  country,  and  finally, 
assurance  that,  if  any  of  their  wares  were  taken  for  the 

22Hakluyt,  III,  33. 
2SIbid.,  ill,  39,  40. 


154  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

Khan's  treasury,  the  treasurer  would  pay  full  value  for 
them,  either  in  ready  money  or  in  raw  silk. 

As  a  result  of  these  privileges,  therefore,  the  expedition 
organized  by  Jenkinson  upon  his  return  to  Moscow  was 
enabled  to  set  out  with  certain  definite  advantages  over 
the  preceding  one.  For  this  second  Persian  "voyage" 
Thomas  Alcock,  George  Wren,  and  Richard  Cheinie,  were 
appointed  as  factors,  the  first  named  being  placed  in 
charge.2*  Starting  from  Jaroslav,  May  10,  1564,2^  they 
arrived  at  Astrakhan  on  July  24  and  at  Shemakha  on 
August  12.  Abdullah  Khan  received  them  with  the  same 
friendliness  that  he  had  shown  to  Anthony  Jenkinson. 
At  Shemakha  Alcock  sold  some  of  his  merchandise  and 
then,  on  October  20,  proceeded  to  Kazvin,  leaving  Cheinie 
to  collect  the  various  sums  due  for  the  wares.  The  lat- 
ter, however,  was  unable  to  recover  very  many  of  these 
debts,  and  so  Alcock,  upon  his  return,  made  earnest  suit 
at  court  for  their  recovery.  But  Abdullah  Khan  was  dis- 
pleased because  of  the  murder  of  a  Mohammedan  by  a 
foreign  merchant  and  there  seemed  no  hope  of  any  favor 
from  him.  Hearing  that  the  Russians  were  sending  their 
goods  to  the  seashore  for  fear  that  the  Shah  should  hear 
of  the  murder,  Alcock  ordered  Cheinie  to  take  charge  of 
the  goods  brought  from  Kazvin  to  Shemakha,  while  he  re- 
mained at  court.  Three  days  later  the  news  reached 
Shemakha  that  Alcock  had  been  killed  on  his  way  to  that 

2*  They  were  chosen  by  Jenkinson  and  Thomas  Glover,  the  agent 
of  the  Muscovy  Company  in  Russia.  Hakluyt,  III,  37,  38,  40.  The 
account  of  the  voyage  was  written  by  Richard  Cheinie,  though  later 
than  1565,  as  the  reference  to  Richard  Johnson,  Ibid.,  Ill,  43,  proves. 
Strangely  enough  this  and  the  later  voyages  have  all  been  at- 
tributed to  Jenkinson's  own  leadership  by  various  writers  from 
Anderson,  History  of  Commerce,  II,  105,  to  Cawston  and  Keane, 
Early  Chartered  Companies,  36. 

25  Cheinie,  as  quoted  by  Hakluyt,  says  1563,  but  there  is  little 
doubt  that  1564  is  correct.  See  Jenkinson's  statement,  Hakluyt, 
III,  37-38. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE      155 

place.^*  Being  now  responsible  for  the  safety  of  the  mer- 
chandise, Cheinie  immediately  followed  the  example  of  the 
Russian  traders  by  sending  his  merchandise  to  the  sea 
and  thence  to  Russia,  while  he  remained  at  Shemakha  for 
six  weeks  in  an  endeavor  to  collect  the  debts  due  him,  in 
which  he  was  only  partly  successful. 

Though  impressed  with  the  possibilities  of  the  Persian 
trade  and  recommending  that  it  be  followed  up,*^  Cheinie 
felt  called  upon  to  criticize  certain  abuses  that  revealed 
themselves  in  the  conduct  of  the  expedition.  For  one 
thing  he  complained  because  information  in  regard  to  the 
preparations  for  the  journey  was  withheld  from  him;  also 
he  was  unable  to  tell  what  stock  the  Company  had,  as  ' '  the 
bookes  were  kept  so  privilie  that  a  man  could  never  see 
them."  But  his  greatest  indignation  was  reserved  for  the 
practice  of  private  trading,  by  means  of  which,  as  he  claims, 
others  reaped  the  fruit  of  his  labor.  Thomas  Glover  had 
in  the  venture  over  a  hundred  roubles,  Thomas  Pette  fifty 
roubles,  Richard  Johnson  twenty  roubles,  and  a  certain 
Tartar  seventy  roubles,  all  of  whom  got  their  returns  before 
Cheinie  got  back  from  Persia.  Besides,  the  Czar  was  in- 
terested in  the  voyage ;  though  it  is  not  known  how  much 
money  he  furnished,  Cheinie  expresses  the  opinion  that  he 
received  double,  and  perhaps  treble,  on  his  investment.  It 
is  his  opinion  also  that  neither  Ivan  IV  nor  the  private 
traders  paid  any  part  of  the  expense  of  the  expedition.^* 
From  these  statements,  therefore,  it  is  clear  that  the  Per- 
sian venture  was  not  exempt  from  the  quarreling  and  the 
private  trading  that  proved  to  be  the  bane  of  the  Muscovy 

26  The  reason  for  his  murder  is  not  known.  According  to  Ar- 
thur Edwards,  some  thought  it  due  to  a  debtor  he  was  pressing  for 
payment,  others  attributed  it  to  robbers.  Later  the  Company  ap- 
parently without  foundation,  attributed  it  to  quarreling  with  the 
people.     Hakluyt,  III,  49;   Early  Voyages  and  Travels,  II,  216,  217. 

2THakluyt,  III,  43. 

28  IMd.,   Ill,   40,   42,   43. 


156  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

Company  in  Russia  as  well  as  of  most  of  the  other  early 
commercial  companies  in  the  various  countries  with  which 
they  traded. 

In  the  spring  of  1565,  under  the  direction  of  Thomas 
Glover,  preparations  were  under  way  for  a  third  expedi- 
tion, whether  the  result  of  a  now  settled  policy  on  the  part 
of  the  Company  or  due  to  the  favorable  reports  of  Richard 
Cheinie  there  seem  to  be  no  indications.  Edward  Clark 
was  first  chosen  as  the  agent  for  Persia,  but  upon  his  death 
Richard  Johnson,  a  much  less  satisfactory  man,  was  ap- 
pointed to  the  place,  and  with  him  Avere  associated  Alex- 
ander Kitchin  and  Arthur  Edwards.-^  At  Jaroslav,  the 
starting  point,  wares  were  collected  from  Vologda  and 
Moscow,  and  other  necessary  preparations  were  made.  A 
small  bark  of  thirty  tons  burden  had  been  built  at  that 
place  for  the  voyage  on  the  Volga  and  the  Caspian  Sea; 
it  was  built  after  the  English  fashion,  but  proved  to  be 
too  small  for  the  purposes  of  the  Persian  trade.^" 

The  three  factors,  leaving  Jaroslav  on  May  15,  1565, 
and  Astrakhan  on  July  30,  reached  the  desired  port  in 
Shirvan,  August  23,  where  they  anchored  their  bark  in 
a  small  river  and  secured  camels  for  the  journey  to 
Shemakha.  Upon  reaching  that  place,  on  September  11, 
they  met  with  an  even  more  friendly  reception  from  Ab- 
dullah Khan  than  the  last  year.  They  were  given  a  house 
for  their  use,  and  were  told  to  put  all  their  requests  in 
writing  so  that  he  might  further  understand  their  desires.^^ 
But  unfortunately  Abdullah  Khan  died  on  October  2,  1565 ; 
by  his  death,  not  only  did  the  English  merchants  lose  a 
good  friend  but  also  the  province  of  Shirvan  was  thrown 

29Hakluyt,  III,  44-46.  In  letters  to  the  Company  Arthur  Ed- 
wards gives  an  account  of  the  expedition.  Four  of  these  letters 
are  printed  in  Hakluyt's  collection,  while  two  others,  dated  June 
24  and  29,  are  lacking,  judging  from  the  statement,  Ibid.,  Ill,  61. 

30  Ibid.,  Ill,  45. 

31  Zfeirf.,    Ill,    47. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE      157 

into  great  confusion.  This  situation  explains  why  it  was 
impossible,  at  least  for  a  time,  to  collect  the  debts  due  the 
Muscovy  Company,  and  also  why  the  trade  did  not  prove 
as  profitable  as  was  expected.  To  add  to  the  misfortunes 
of  the  expedition,  Alexander  Kitchin  died  on  October  3 ; 
and  previous  to  that  the  loss  of  one  of  the  three  mariners 
had  also  severely  crippled  the  undertaking. 

It  was  the  hope  of  the  factors,  however,  that  they  might 
obtain  privileges  from  the  Shah,  which,  once  granted  to 
them,  would  enable  them  quietly  and  without  hindrance  to 
develop  a  considerable  trade  in  raw  silks,  spices,  drugs, 
and  other  commodities.  Some  influential  though  not  disin- 
terested Persian  friends  having  agreed  to  help  Richard 
Johnson  obtain  the  privileges  and  collect  the  debts,  he 
ordered  Arthur  Edwards  to  go  with  them  to  Kazvin  upon 
this  double  mission.  On  April  26,  1566,  the  latter  set  out 
for  the  Persian  capital.  His  reception  was  in  striking  con- 
trast to  that  of  Jenkinson  several  years  before:  the  Shah 
received  him  most  graciously,  granted  him  a  long  confer- 
ence in  which  various  topics  bearing  on  trade  were  dis- 
cussed, and,  having  heard  his  requests,  promised  the  de- 
sired letters  of  privilege.  In  addition,  the  Persian  ruler 
made  known  his  desire  that  the  English  merchants  should 
send  him  various  sorts  of  cloths.  After  the  conference 
Edwards  hastened  to  put  his  requests  in  writing  so  that 
they  would  be  ready  to  submit  at  the  next  audience  with 
the  Shah.  Thus,  on  June  29,  he  received  a  formal  grant 
of  privileges  ''sealed  and  firmed  with  the  Shaugh's  owne 
hand,"  with  the  promise  that  if  it  was  not  satisfactory  it 
would  be  amended.^^  As  a  result  of  these  marks  of  the 
Shah's  favor,  the  position  of  Edwards  and  of  the  English 
merchants  in  Persia  seemed  greatly  improved;  and  in  his 
letter  to  the  Company,  written  upon  his  return  to  She- 
makha, Edwards  said,  "I  doubt  not  but  we  shall  live  here 

33Hakluyt,  III,  56. 


158  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

from  hence  foorth  in  quietnes,  for  now  in  all  places  where 
I  come  I  am  friendly  used  ^vith  the  best. ' '  ^^ 

That  the  grant  of  privileges  gave  important  trading  ad- 
vantages to  the  English  merchants  is  clearly  shown  by  an 
enumeration  of  its  provisions.  In  the  first  place,  it  was 
decreed  that  they  should  have  freedom  of  passage  to  and 
from  Persia  and  neighboring  countries,  that  they  should 
enjoy  the  right  to  buy  and  sell  all  sorts  of  wares  and  to 
trade  with  both  foreign  and  native  merchants,  and  that 
they  should  not  be  required  to  pay  any  toll  or  customs 
duties  upon  their  merchandise.  In  the  second  place,  they 
were  promised  protection  from  the  officials,  justice  regard- 
ing the  recovery  of  debts  due  them,  immunity  from  the 
arbitrary  seizure  of  their  goods,  exemption  from  liability 
for  the  misdeeds  of  individual  merchants  or  servants,  free- 
dom from  the  annoyance  due  to  the  repudiation  of  bar- 
gains once  made,  and  aid  when  needed  in  the  landing  of 
their  wares.^* 

Probably  the  explanation  of  the  changed  attitude  of  the 
Shah  towards  the  English  merchants  is  to  be  found  in  his 
relations  with  the  Turks.  It  is  evident  that  he  was  much 
interested  in  the  crushing  defeat  suffered  by  the  Turkish 
army  at  ]\Ialta  in  the  preceding  year.^^  Also  it  is  very 
probable  that  the  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Sultan  had 
not  been  successful  in  maintaining  friendly  relations  be- 
tween the  two  powers,  as  it  is  reported  that  the  year  before 
Edwards  came  to  Kazvin  the  Turkish  ambassador  "did 
put  the  Shaugh  in  despaire,  saying  that  the  Turke  would 
not  permit  any  cloth  to  be  brought  into  his  Countrey.  "'* 
In   addition  to   his  resentment   at   this   action,   the   Shah 

33Hakluyt,    III,    56. 

3*  These  privileges,  given  in  Edwards'  letter  from  Astrakhan, 
June  16,  1567,  were  to  be  followed  by  further  grants  on  the  formal 
demand  of  the  Company.     Ibid.,  Ill,  56,  64,  65. 

35/6id.,  Ill,  54,   143.' 

3^  Ibid.,  Ill,  57. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE      159 

would  be  inclined  to  welcome  the  English  merchants  as  a 
means  to  offset  any  possible  loss  of  merchandise  through 
the  closing  of  the  customary  route. 

However,  the  favor  shown  the  English  merchants  did 
not  by  any  means  end  the  troubles  of  their  factors  in  car- 
rying on  the  Persian  trade.  For  one  thing,  as  the  suc- 
cession in  Shirvan  was  still  unsettled,  the  disorder  became 
such  that  men  feared  to  travel  on  account  of  robbers.  In 
the  face  of  this  confusion,  also,  the  Shah's  grant  of  priv- 
ileges does  not  seem  to  have  greatly  facilitated  the  collec- 
tion of  debts  at  Shemakha;  nor,  in  fact,  did  it  suffice  to 
prevent  the  recurrence  of  similar  difficulties  at  Kazvin,  as 
is  amply  shown  by  Edwards'  own  experience. ^'^  Further- 
more, in  their  relations  with  each  other  the  factors  were 
not  at  all  harmonious,  the  trouble  apparently  being  due 
either  to  the  inefficiency  of  Richard  Johnson  or  to  his 
neglect  of  his  duties.  The  bills  of  debt  that  Johnson  left 
■w-ith  Edwards  were  verj-  carelessly  made  out,  two  of  them 
being  without  either  the  amounts  or  the  names  of  the 
parties,  while  others,  made  payable  to  Johnson  only,  could 
not  have  been  collected  at  all  by  Edwards  had  not  the 
charter  of  privileges  provided  for  such  cases.  In  other 
respects  Edwards  found  fault  with  Johnson's  conduct  of 
affairs;  he  claimed  that  the  latter,  contrary  to  the  inten- 
tions of  the  Company,  had  kept  him  in  ignorance  of  cer- 
tain details  regarding  both  the  preparations  for  the  voyage . 
and  the  wares  bought  and  sold  in  Persia;  he  urged  upon 
the  Company  the  necessity  of  employing  in  Persia  only 
servants  who  were  honest  and  free  from  vice  and  who  were 
able  to  govern  themselves.^^  The  following  year  the  Mus- 
covy Company  upheld  these  various  contentions  of  Ed- 
wards. They  criticized  Johnson's  action  in  withholding 
information  and  suggested  that  orders  be  given  that  all 

sTHakhiyt,  III,  59-Gl. 

38  Ibid.,  Ill,  45,  52,  59,  60. 


160  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

factors  sent  to  Persia  should  have  access  to  the  accounts 
and  reckonings ;  and  they  expressed  surprise  that  he  should 
have  been  chosen  as  chief,  as  his  own  letters  and  report 
were  sufficient  to  prove  his  unfitness  for  the  charge/^^ 

Arthur  Edwards,  like  Anthony  Jenkinson,  labored  ear- 
nestly in  behalf  of  the  interests  of  the  Muscovy  Company, 
studying  the  commercial  possibilities  of  different  regions, 
reporting  in  some  detail  upon  the  commodities  most  de- 
sirable for  the  Persian  trade,  and  pointing  out  possible 
improvements  in  trading  methods.  He  was  very  optimis- 
tic concerning  the  prospects  at  Shemakha,  and  expressed 
the  wish  that  the  Company  had  a  market  for  the  half  of 
the  merchandise  there  obtainable.  After  his  favorable  re- 
ception at  Kazvin  his  enthusiasm  naturally  became  greater 
and  his  views  of  the  Persian  trade  were  considerably  ex- 
panded, the  Shah  apparently  exerting  himself  to  make 
the  situation  seem  as  attractive  as  possible.**'  In  carrying 
out  this  prospective  trade  he  thought  it  possible  to  shorten 
the  time  required  to  send  merchandise  from  Persia  to  Eng- 
land. To  that  end  he  suggested  that  by  early  sales  and 
a  prompt  collection  of  the  silk  that  commodity  might  be 
sent  to  Astrakhan  by  April  1,  and  from  thence  to  Khol- 
mogory  in  time  to  be  loaded  on  the  ships  along  with  the 
wares  sent  from  Russia.*^  Perhaps  here,  as  in  other  mat- 
ters, Edwards  was  over-sanguine. 

Both  Richard  Cheinie  and  Arthur  Edwards  recom- 
mended the  establishment  of  trading  relations  with  Ghilan, 
a  province  on  the  southwestern  coast  of  the  Caspian,  with 
which  so  far  the  English  merchants  had  not  come  in  con- 
tact.    The  former  pointed  out  its  commercial  possibilities, 

so  Early  Voyages  and  Travels,  II,  218,  219. 

40  For  instance,  the  Shah  asked  Edwards  if  he  was  able  to  furnish 
yearly  one  hundred  thousand  pieces  of  cloth.  Also  the  latter  sent 
lionie  a  long  list  of  wares  desired  by  him,  but  it  is  somewliat  doubtful 
whether  he  took  them  ultimately.     Hakluyt,  III,  56,  60,  67,   HO. 

iilUd.,  Ill,  62. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE      161 

its  nearness  to  the  Persian  capital,  and  its  advantage  as  a 
base  for  the  advance  towards  Ormuz.  In  addition  to  these 
advantages,  the  latter  suggested  its  situation  in  the  very 
heart  of  the  Persian  trade  and  also  its  direct  communica- 
tion with  Astrakhan.  As  a  result  of  a  conference  at  Kaz- 
vin  with  an  ambassador  from  Ghilan,  Edwards  believed 
that  at  small  expense  trading  privileges  could  be  obtained 
in  that  province.  But  more  than  that,  his  conclusion 
seems  to  have  been  that  Ghilan  should  be  made  the  center 
of  English  activities.*- 

It  is  evident  from  the  account  of  the  third  Persian  ex- 
pedition that  in  several  respects  it  marks  an  important 
stage  in  the  development  of  the  plans  of  the  ]\tuscovy  Com- 
pany. Not  only  w^ere  the  English  merchants  re-estab- 
lished in  Shirvan,  following  Cheinie's  enforced  with- 
drawal, but  also  the  task  undertaken  by  Jenkinson  now 
seemed  accomplished  through  the  successful  negotiation  of 
a  grant  of  privileges  at  Kazvin.  Though  too  optimistic 
in  his  expectations  Arthur  Edwards  might  reasonably  feel 
that  he  had  laid  the  foundations  for  the  Persian  trade  and 
that  the  Company  would  profit  greatly  by  his  labors. 
Once  established  in  Persia  the  next  step,  namely,  the  open- 
ing of  a  route  to  Ormuz  and  India  might  well  seem  to  be 
only  a  matter  of  time.  As  far  as  Persia  is  concerned, 
therefore,  the  affairs  of  the  Muscovy  Company,  by  1566, 
promised  well  for  the  future  success  of  the  English  trade. 

42Hakluyt,  III,  43,  51,  61,  62. 


CHAPTER  m 

THE  ATTEMPTED  DEVELOPMENT  OP   THE  PERSIAN  TRADE 

While  the  factors  of  the  IMuscovy  Company  were  lay- 
ing the  foundations  for  trade  in  Persia,  there  were  certain 
developments  in  England  and  Russia  which  had  an  im- 
portant bearing  on  that  undertaking  as  well  as  on  the  po- 
sition of  the  Company  itself.  In  the  history  of  the  Com- 
pany, the  year  1566  is  marked  by  two  noteworthy  events: 
first,  the  grant  of  privileges  by  the  Shah  which  seemed  to 
put  the  Persian  trade  on  a  reasonably  firm  footing  and, 
second,  the  obtaining  of  an  act  of  Parliament  reincor- 
porating the  group  of  English  merchants  and  adding  to 
their  privileges.  As  the  Shah's  grant  has  already  been 
considered,  it  remains  only  to  notice  the  new  act  of  incor- 
poration and  the  circumstances  leading  to  its  passage. 

It  seems  that  the  demands  of  the  trade  in  Russia  and 
the  development  of  the  overland  route  through  Persia 
proved  to  be  a  severe  strain  upon  the  resources  of  the 
Muscovy  Company,  especially  as  a  greater  number  of 
ships  were  needed  to  keep  pace  with  their  activities.  As 
a  consequence  it  was  desired  to  make  a  considerable  in- 
crease in  the  stock,  but  on  account  of  discouragment  due 
to  private  trading  through  Narva  the  Adventurers  could 
not  be  persuaded  to  make  this  increase.  Therefore,  on 
November  20,  1564,  a  petition  was  presented  to  the  Coun- 
cil requesting  that  William  Bond  and  all  other  private 
traders  be  restrained  from  trading  within  the  Russian  do- 
minions, and  the  following  month  the  Council  made  an 
order  to  that  effect.^     In  the  following  year  the  profitable 

1  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.,  1547-1580,  p.  246;  Ads  of  Privy  Council,  1558- 
1570,  under  date  of  Dec.    14  and   16,   1564. 

162 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE        163 

trade  enjoyed  by  the  Company  through  Narva  was  being 
further  affected  by  such  straggling  merchants,  and  so  the 
request  was  made  that  that  port  be  definitely  included 
within  the  sphere  of  the  Muscovy  Company  in  order  to 
prevent  ' '  the  like  pedlarlike  kinde  of  dealing  ever  after. ' '  ^ 

To  a  considerable  degree  at  least  the  Parliamentary  act 
of  incorporation,  passed  on  December  17,  1566,^  was  an 
answer  to  the  demands  for  the  restraint  of  private  trading 
in  Russia.  After  reviewing  the  earlier  history  of  the  Mus- 
covy Company,  its  expenses  and  losses,  and  its  achieve- 
ments, the  act  declared  for  one  thing  that  the  official  title 
of  the  Company  was  too  long,  and  also  that  certain  sub- 
jects of  England,  contrary  to  letters  patent,  had  been 
trading  in  the  Russian  dominions,  to  the  great  injury  of 
the  trade  of  the  fellowship.  In  regard  to  the  first  point, 
it  was  enacted  that  henceforth  the  Company  should  be 
known  only  by  the  name  of  "the  fellowship  of  English 
merchants,  for  discovery  of  new  trades,"  and  that  as  such 
it  should  exercise  its  corporate  functions.*  Concerning 
the  second  point,  the  act  provided  that  no  lands  unknown 
or  unfrequented  by  Englishmen  before  the  first  Russian 
voyage,  either  in  Russia  or  the  ' '  countries  of  Armenia  ma- 
jor or  minor  ]\Iedia,  Hyrcania,  Persia,  or  the  Caspian 
sea,"  should  be  open  to  the  trade  of  English  subjects,  un- 
less by  the  consent  of  the  said  fellowship  of  English  mer- 
chants.^ Private  traders  with  ventures  in  the  forbidden 
region  were  given  until  1568  to  withdraw.  Thus,  in  form 
at  least,  the  monopoly  of  the  IMuscovy  Company  was  duly 
asserted." 

2  Wliocler,  Treatise  of  Commerce,  55.  Narva  became  Russian  in 
1558,  and  remained  under  Ivan's  control  until  1581. 

3D'Evves.  Journal,  133.  l^tatides  of  the  Realm,  IV,  part  1,  p.  483, 
shows  that  it  was  merely  a  private  bill.  Tlie  Act  is  printed,  Hakluyt, 
III,  83-91. 

ilbid.,  Ill,   87. 

5  Ibid.,   Ill,   88. 

6  See  Gerson,  The  Organization  and  Early  History  of  the  Muscovy 


164  TKADE  IN  ASIA 

Meanwhile,  Anthony  Jenkinson  was  again  in  Russia  in 
the  service  of  the  English  merchants  in  order  to  meet 
other  dangers  that  threatened  their  privileged  commercial 
position.  Two  years  previously,  Raphael  Barbarini,  an 
Italian,  had  received  from  Queen  Elizabeth  letters  com- 
mending him  to  the  Czar.  He  was  well  received  and 
shown  much  favor,  and  in  1565  he  obtained  trading  privi- 
leges in  Russia.  Consequently  the  Musco\y  Company  felt 
it  necessary  to  attempt  his  overthrow.  In  addition  to  this 
task  Jenkinson  was  instructed  to  request  the  Czar  to  con- 
firm the  monopoly  of  the  Company  by  excluding  all  for- 
eign merchants  except  the  English  from  the  trade  to  the 
White  Sea.'^  In  both  respects  he  seems  to  have  been  very 
successful;  Barbarini  withdrew  from  Russia,  and  a  pro- 
vision for  the  exclusive  control  of  the  northern  trade  was 
included  in  the  new  grant  of  privileges  obtained  by  Jen- 
kinson in  the  following  year.® 

This  new  and  fuller  grant  of  privileges,  signed  by  the 
Czar  on  September  22,  1567,  contains  a  passage  which 
definitely  outlined  and  extended  the  privileges  actually  en- 
joyed by  the  English  traders  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
Persian  trade.  It  was  provided  that,  if  the  English  mer- 
chants desired  to  pass  from  Astrakhan  to  Bokhara, 
Shemakha,  or  elsewhere,  the  Russian  officials  should  per- 
mit them  to  do  so,  without  delay,  without  payment  of  cus- 
tom, and  without  opening  their  goods,  even  when  they  did 
not  have  the  Czar's  merchandise  with  them.® 

As  a  result  of  the  various  grants  of  privileges  obtained 
by  them,  the  Muscovj'  Company,  by  1567,  occupied  a  much 

Company,  for  a  strong  statement  of  the  view  that  Narva  really  was 
incliuled  in  their  sphere  under  the  terms  of  the  original  charter. 

■^Tolstoy,  England  and  Russia,  Nos.  6-8;  Hamel,  England  and 
Russia,  170-176,  and  appendices  K  to  R;  Early  Voyages  and  Travels, 
II,   183-186. 

8  Hakluyt,  III,  97. 

0  Ibid.,  in,  94,  95. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE        165 

stronger  position  than  heretofore.  According  to  the  Par- 
liamentary charter  of  incorporation  the  members  of  the 
Company  were  upheld  in  their  monopoly  of  the  Russian 
and  Persian  trade  as  far  as  Englishmen  were  concerned; 
according  to  the  Czar's  grant  of  privileges  they  were  con- 
firmed in  their  exclusive  use  of  the  northern  ports  of 
Russia,  not  only  against  other  Englishmen  but  against 
all  other  foreigners  as  well,  and,  in  addition,  they  were 
formally  given  the  right  of  passage  through  Russia  to 
Persia  and  other  countries;  and  finally,  through  the  privi- 
leges secured  from  Abdullah  Khan  and  later  from  the 
Shah  himself,  they  seemed  prepared  to  develop  a  trade  in 
Persia  and  to  open  the  way  to  India. 

That  the  English  merchants  were  strongly  interested 
in  Persia  and  India  at  this  time  is  well  shown  by  the  in- 
structions sent  out  to  their  agents  in  Russia  a  few  months 
after  the  granting  of  the  second  act  of  incorporation. 
These  instructions  ^°  are  somewhat  detailed  and  cover  a 
wide  range ;  it  is  sufficient,  however,  to  note  that  they  seem 
to  imply  an  attempt  to  reorganize  and  strengthen  the  man- 
agement of  affairs  in  both  Russia  and  Persia  and  to  do 
away  with  many  abuses  that  had  revealed  themselves 
therein  as  well  as  to  direct  the  usual  operations  of  the 
trade.  In  regard  both  to  Persia  and  Russia  it  was  or- 
dered that  a  just  statement  of  weights  and  measures  be 
sent  home  for  purposes  of  comparison  with  those  of  Eng- 
land, that  a  uniformity  of  apparel  be  prescribed  for  the 
servants  of  the  Company  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  their 
extravagance  in  dress,  that  all  Englishmen  in  their  serv- 
ice be  advised  against  giving  offense  in  regard  to  any 
question  of  religion  or  government,  that  wares  delivered 
to  servants  for  apparel  or  to  strangers  for  gifts  be  truly 
valued  and  charged  to  the  proper  account,  tliat  private 
traffic  be  prevented,  especially  between  Russia  and  Persia, 

10  Early  Voyages  and  Travels,  II,  206-227. 


166  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

that  as  soon  as  possible  the  factors  send  to  the  Company  a 
statement  concerning  the  value  and  location  of  the  prop- 
erty and  goods  then  in  Russia  and  a  similar  statement  con- 
cerning the  wares  belonging  to  the  Persian  account,  and 
that  thereafter  an  annual  report  be  rendered  for  the  Per- 
sian trade.  In  regard  to  the  Persian  voyage  it  was 
further  ordered  that  all  the  factors  should  have  access  to 
the  accounts  and  reckonings,  both  for  the  avoidance  of 
false  dealing  and  for  the  gaining  of  experience,  and  that 
each  year  a  true  report  of  the  trade  should  be  sent  to  the 
Company.  Still  other  provisions  had  as  their  object  the 
greater  safety  of  the  Persian  route;  charts  were  to  be 
made  of  the  Volga  and  the  Caspian  Sea  and  written  re- 
ports were  to  be  made  both  in  regard  to  the  outward  and 
the  homeward  voyages  so  that  by  comparison  from  year  to 
year  the  dangers  of  navigation  might  be  lessened." 

It  is  further  shown  by  the  instructions  that  the  Muscovy 
Company  were  already  planning  two  Persian  expeditions 
for  the  following  year,  one  of  them  to  start  from  England 
and  the  other  from  Russia.  In  regard  to  the  latter  the 
Company  expressed  the  wish  that  Arthur  Edwards,  who 
had  been  recalled  from  Persia,  should  be  retained  as  the 
chief  factor  for  that  country,  though  the  matter  was  left 
to  the  discretion  of  the  Russian  agents.^^  It  Avas  also  de- 
sired by  the  English  merchants  that  this  expedition  should 
pay  considerable  attention  to  the  development  of  a  trade 
in  drugs  and  spices.  "When  they  obtained  their  charter 
from  Parliament  the  merchants  had  taken  upon  themselves 
the  obligation  to  furnish  those  commodities  to   England, 

11  Articles  15,  23,  28,  32,  38,  41,  46,  57,  58,  and  60.  In  the 
middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  Englishmen  actually  did  consider- 
able work  in  charting  the  route  in  connection  with  an  attempted 
revival  of  the  Persian  trade.  See,  for  example,  the  chart  of  the 
Caspian  and  the  description  and  map  of  the  Volga,  given  in  Han- 
way,  Historical  Account  of  the  British  Trade  over  the  Caspian  Sea, 
1,  87,  93-95. 

12  Articles  16,  51. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE        167 

and  consequently  they  exhorted  their  factors  to  use  all 
care  and  diligence  in  furthering  such  a  trade.^^  As  a 
means  to  that  end  they  adopted  two  recommendations 
made  by  Edwards  during  the  preceding  voyage :  they  pro- 
posed to  enter  into  negotiations  with  the  ruler  of  Ghilan 
in  the  hope  of  obtaining  the  desired  commodities  as  w'ell 
as  a  grant  of  trading  privileges  for  that  province;  they 
also  suggested  a  journey  to  Ormuz  to  investigate  its  trade 
and  to  attempt  the  establishment  of  commercial  relations 
with  its  merchants.  For  the  latter  purpose  John  Sparke 
was  designated  as  a  suitable  man  on  account  of  his  ability 
to  speak  Portuguese/* 

The  Persian  expedition  of  1568  was  organized  at  Jaro- 
slav  and  placed  in  charge  of  Arthur  Edwards,  as  the  Eng- 
lish merchants  had  requested,  with  John  Sparke,  Lawrence 
Chapman,  Christopher  Faucet,  and  Richard  Pringle,  as 
his  associates/^  Leaving  Jaroslav  in  July,  they  reached 
Bilbil  on  August  14.  At  this  place,  contrary  to  the 
Shah's  grant,  the  people  were  un walling  to  aid  in  unload- 
ing the  merchandise ;  also  they  began  their  customary  prac- 
tices of  extortion  when  they  saw^  the  travelers  at  their 
mercy.  Upon  reaching  Shemakha,  the  Englishmen  found 
there  no  opportunities  of  trade  on  account  of  their  late 
arrival,  and  because  of  their  delay  for  a  month  other  mer- 
chants, who  had  left  Russia  later,  were  able  to  get  the  ad- 
vantage of  them  elsewhere.  Finally  it  was  decided  that 
the  factors  should  separate  for  the  better  sale  of  the  goods ; 
consequently  Edwards,  Sparke,  and  Chapman  went  to 
Kazvin  with  the  greater  part  of  the  merchandise,  while 
Faucet  and  Pringle  were  left  behind  with  the  rest,  which 

13  Article  52. 

14  Articles  54,  55,  63. 

15  Lawrence  Chapman,  in  his  letter  of  April  28,  1569,  gives  an 
account  of  the  earlier  part  of  the  voyage.  This  is  supplemented  by 
Edwards'  account  as  given  in  the  notes  of  Richard  Willes  in  Eden, 
History  of  Travayle.     Both  are  printed  in  Hakluyt,  III,  136-149. 


lf,8  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

was  intended   for  tlic  market  at  Shemakha   and  Arrash. 

At  Ardebil  Edwards  was  able  to  do  some  trading.  As 
the  important  commercial  city  of  Tabriz  was  not  far  dis- 
tant, Chapman  was  sent  to  make  trial  of  the  market  there. 
He  found  that  his  kersies  would  not  bring  a  good  price, 
as  the  cloth  trade  was  well  supplied  by  Armenian,  Turkish, 
and  native  merchants.  However,  he  succeeded  in  barter- 
ing the  kersies  for  spices,  a  transaction  which  he  thought 
to  be  a  fairly  good  bargain,  especially  in  view  of  the  clos- 
ing of  Ormuz  by  war  and  the  strong  desire  of  the  Com- 
pany for  such  commodities.  As  for  drugs,  he  says  that 
he  found  an  abundance  at  Tabriz,  but  that  they  were  very 
high  and  not  as  good  as  those  brought  to  England  from 
other  places.  Wliile  there  Chapman  also  made  an  excel- 
lent sale  of  one  hundred  pieces  of  cloth  to  a  merchant  rep- 
resenting the  ruler  of  Georgia,  who  not  only  offered  pay- 
ment in  money  or  silk  upon  their  delivery  but  also  held 
out  the  prospect  of  trading  privileges  in  that  country  sim- 
ilar to  those  enjoyed  in  Persia.  Chapman  sent  his  inter- 
preter to  Shemakha  to  see  to  the  carrj'ing  out  of  this 
agreement,  but  unfortunately  the  merchant  repudiated  the 
bargain  without  any  regard  to  that  provision  of  the  Shah's 
grant  of  privileges  which  forbade  such  practices.^* 

After  joining  Edwards  at  Kazvin,  Chapman  was  sent 
to  Ghilan  to  look  for  a  good  harbor  and  also  to  determine 
what  commodities  would  be  best  for  the  proposed  trade 
in  that  region.  He  \'isited  Lahijan,  the  chief  town., 
Langerud,  and  Rudisser,  and  reported  that  that  portion 
of  the  province  had  recently  been  overrun  and  despoiled 
by  the  Shah,  so  that  the  people  were  not  able  to  buy  a 
single  kersey.  However,  his  statements  regarding  the 
abundance  of  alum  and  raw  silk  amply  confirmed  the 
earlier  reports  about  the  resources  of  Ghilan." 

16  Hnkluyt,  III,  138,  139. 
"/6.U,  III,  141. 


DEVELOPMENT  OP  PERSIAN  TRADE        169 

The  further  plan  of  the  Company  to  send  a  factor  to 
Ormuz  was  not  carried  out.  Though  John  Sparke  pre- 
sumably was  sent  out  especially  with  that  purpose  in  view, 
and  though  Chapman  announced  his  purpose  of  going 
there  as  soon  as  the  way  was  open/*  there  seems  to  be  no 
record  of  any  such  attempt.  Probably  the  fact  that 
Ormm;  was  closed  during  the  whole  period  of  this  expe- 
dition is  at  least  a  partial  explanation  of  the  failure  to 
take  this  important  step  in  advance. 

Meanwhile  Arthur  Edwards  presented  himself  before 
the  Shah  at  Kazvin  with  a  request  for  further  privileges 
for  the  English  merchants.  The  latter  demanded  of  him 
what  sort  of  merchandise  he  could  furnish,  whereupon 
Edwards  claimed  to  be  able  to  supply  him  directly  from 
England  with  all  the  wares  that  came  to  his  country  from 
there  indirectly  by  way  of  Venice,  Aleppo,  and  Tripoli, 
namely,  kersies,  broadcloths,  and  other  kinds  of  cloth. ^® 
Furthermore,  he  declared  that,  if  given  freedom  of  passage 
and  such  other  privileges  as  were  deemed  necessary,  he 
would  furnish  all  such  merchandise,  and  other  commodi- 
ties as  well,  more  cheaply  and  with  less  delay  than  they 
were  now  furnished  through  the  Venetian  and  Turkish 
route.  The  Shah,  it  is  said,  was  Avell  pleased  at  this,  and 
shortly  afterwards  he  granted  to  Edwards  a  second  letter 
of  privileges,  "  all  written  in  Azure  and  gold  letters,  and 
delivered  unto  the  lord  keeper  of  the  Sophie  his  great 
scale,"  later  to  be  sealed  and  turned  over  to  Lawrence 
Chapman. ^"^ 

This  grant  of  privileges  was  mainly  concerned  with  va- 
rious details  of  the  Persian  trade,  being  clearly  intended 
as  a  supplement  to  the  grant  originally  received  from  the 
Shah.     The  first  article  gave  specific  authorization  to  the 

isHakluyt,  ITI,  142. 

10  Ibid.,  ill,  144. 

20  Hid.,  Ill,  146-147;   Eden,  nistory  of  Travayle,  334-335. 


17U  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

pliiu  of  the  English  merchants  of  developing  trade  with 
Ghihm.  Then  there  followed  provisions  regarding  Per- 
sian assistance  in  case  of  shipwreck,  the  custody  and  de- 
livery of  the  merchandise  upon  the  death  of  any  of  the 
English  traders,  the  right  to  procure  without  hindrance 
such  camel  men  as  were  desired,  the  prohibition  of  extor- 
tion by  the  Persians  and  the  responsibility  of  the  owners 
of  camels  for  their  contracts  and  for  the  merchandise  com- 
mitted to  their  care,  the  privilege  of  a  guard  for  protec- 
tion when  traveling  was  considered  dangerous,  the  duty 
of  all  Persian  subjects  in  the  towns  along  the  highway  to 
furnish  the  merchants  with  "honest  roume  and  vitails  for 
their  money,"  and,  finally,  the  privilege  of  buying  or 
building  houses  for  their  own  use  wherever  desirable.  It 
is  very  probable  also  that  there  was  a  provision  designed 
to  protect  the  Company  against  dishonest  servants  who 
hoped  to  avoid  punishment  or  restitution  of  goods  by  be- 
coming Mohammedans,  though  such  an  article  is  not  to 
be  found  in  the  formal  list  of  privileges  as  printed,-^ 

In  concluding  the  account  of  the  fourth  voyage  it  seems 
worth  while  to  compare  the  views  of  Arthur  Edwards  and 
Lawrence  Chapman  in  regard  to  the  commercial  possibili- 
ties in  Persia.  The  latter  missed  no  opportunity  to  point 
out  that  Edwards  had  greatly  exaggerated  the  advantages 
of  the  Persian  markets,  and  furthermore,  he  indulged  in 
considerable  criticism  of  the  latter 's  management  of  the 
present  venture.  He  called  attention  to  the  reported  fail- 
ure to  sell  the  goods  left  at  Shemakha,  to  the  overstocked 
condition  of  the  market  at  Tabriz,  to  the  secret  enmity  of 
the  Turkish  merchants  and  the  methods  by  which  they 
sought  to  hinder  the  English  trade,  to  the  failure  of  the 
Shah  to  take  off  Edwards'  hands  the  merchandise  he  had 

21  Eden,  History  of  Travaijle,  334;  Hakluyt,  III,  145.  For  fur- 
ther explanation  of  the  practice  itself,  see  llid..  Ill,  148,  or  Eden, 
335. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE        171 

ordered  on  the  previous  visit  to  Kazvin,  and  to  the  great 
disadvantages  of  travel,  the  scarcity  and  execrable  qual- 
ity of  the  water,  and  the  danger  of  robbery  or  murder  at 
the  hands  of  the  people.  "Better  it  is,  therefore,  in  mine 
opinion,  to  continue  a  begger  in  England  during  life  than 
to  remaine  a  rich  merchant  seven  yeeres  in  this  countrey, 
as  some  shall  well  finde  at  theyr  comming  hither. ' '  -- 
Yet  after  all  Chapman  seems  to  admit  that  the  trade  in 
time  would  greatly  improve. 

On  the  other  hand  Edwards  seems  to  be  as  enthusiastic 
as  he  was  on  the  previous  expedition.  His  account  was 
given  after  the  return  to  England,  while  that  of  Chapman 
was  written  in  the  midst  of  the  undertaking,  and  there- 
fore it  may  be  that  the  ultimate  results  of  the  venture 
were  much  more  favorable  than  for  a  while  seemed  prob- 
able, though  at  the  same  time  it  is  undeniable  that  the 
attitude  of  the  two  factors  was  fundamentally  different. 
In  addition  to  the  further  privileges  obtained  from  the 
Shah,  it  is  reported  that  in  return  for  his  wares  Edwards 
brought  from  Persia  all  sorts  of  raw  and  wrought  silks, 
carpets,  spices,  drugs,  pearls  and  other  precious  stones, 
and  various  other  kinds  of  rich  merchandise.  Unfortu- 
nately, however,  there  is  no  hint  as  to  whether  the  expedi- 
tion was  financially  a  success.  It  is  further  reported  that 
Edwards  in  his  enthusiasm  thought  the  Pereian  trade 
would  prove  greater  than  the  Portuguese  trade  to  the  East 
Indies.  He  argued  that  the  return  might  be  made  to 
England  each  year,  whereas  the  Portuguese  voyage  took 
two  years;  consequently  the  merchandise  of  India  could 
be  carried  more  advantageously  by  way  of  Persia  and 
Russia  than  by  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.-^     Tliis 

22Hakliiyt,  III,   141. 

23  ihicL,  III,  147,  148.  Somewhat  similar  views  were  held  by 
Michael  Lok,  London  Agent  of  the  Muscovy  Company,  and  by  Ban- 
nister and  Duckett.  Russia  at  Close  of  Sixteenth  Century,  introd. 
XII-XIV;   Early   Voyages  and  Travels,  II,  260.     For  an  even  more 


172  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

is  practically  the  same  argument  that  he  had  already  used 
in  regard  to  the  Levantine  trade. 

While  Edwards  and  his  associates  were  seeking  for 
trade  in  Persia  the  situation  in  Russia  was  rapidly  be- 
coming critical  for  the  Muscovy  Company  and  conse- 
quently for  the  proposed  expedition  from  England  to  Per- 
sia. There  were  two  main  sources  of  trouble,  namely,  the 
difTiculties  arising  out  of  the  trade  at  Narva  and  the  in- 
sistence of  the  Czar  upon  an  offensive  and  defensive  al- 
liance with  Elizabeth,  and  out  of  these  questions  grew 
the  necessity  for  the  Randolph  mission  and  the  request 
for  a  new  grant  of  privileges  for  the  Russian  and  the  Per- 
sian trade. 

Of  most  importance  perhaps  w^as  the  diplomatic  situa- 
tion. Upon  his  return  to  England  in  1567,  Jenkinson 
brought  a  secret  message  from  the  Czar  to  the  Queen 
which  seems  to  have  been  the  beginning  of  the  trouble. 
Offering  perpetual  friendship  to  Elizabeth,  the  Czar  asked 
that  she  join  him  in  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance 
against  all  enemies,  and  especially  against  Sigismund  II, 
King  of  Poland.  He  also  requested  that  she  send  him 
sailors  and  shipwrights  and  that  she  permit  him  to  export 
from  England  various  sorts  of  military  supplies.  And 
furthermore,  he  demanded  the  giving  of  assurances  that 
either  of  them  would  grant  refuge  and  protection  to  the 
other  in  ease  misfortune  sliould  make  such  exile  neces- 
sary. Finally  he  required  that  the  Queen's  answer  be 
given  by  the  middle  of  the  following  year.-* 

About  the  time  of  the  Czar's  secret  message  the  affairs 
of  the  Muscovj'  Company  were  reaching  a  crisis  on  account 
of  the  developments  at  Narva.  Though  by  1567  the  Com- 
pany had  established  a  considerable  trade  at  that  place,-^ 

extravagant  statement  regarding  both  Persia  and  Cathav  see  Cat. 
Cecil  MSS.,  No.  1119. 

2*  Early  Voyages  and  Travels,  II,  236-238. 

26  Ibid.,  II,  218. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE        173 

it  seems  to  have  been  very  unfortunate  in  its  choice  of 
factors,  as  the  latter  not  only  engaged  in  trade  on  their 
own  account  but  also  joined  with  outside  English  traders 
and  with  certain  other  foreigners,  to  the  great  injury  of 
the  White  Sea  trade.-"  Thomas  Glover,  one  of  these  ir- 
regular traders,  was  especially  troublesome  because  of  his 
refusal  to  render  an  accounting  for  the  period  during 
which  he  had  been  in  charge  of  the  affairs  of  the  Company 
in  Russia. ^^  To  make  matters  much  more  serious  Glover 
and  his  associates  were  upheld  by  Ivan  IV  and  received 
from  him  special  privileges  of  trade  in  his  dominions.-^ 
At  the  solicitation  of  the  now  thoroughly  alarmed  Com- 
pany Elizabeth  dispatched  messengers  to  the  Czar  de- 
manding the  seizure  of  these  dishonest  factors,  but  the 
Czar,  dissatisfied  at  the  subordination  of  his  political 
schemes  to  commercial  questions,  had  the  messengers 
seized  and  detained  at  Narva.-" 

Though  Elizabeth  was  not  interested  in  an  alliance  with 
the  Czar,  she  was  much  concerned  about  the  fortunes  of 
her  merchants  in  Russia,  and  consequently  the  attitude  of 
the  Russian  ruler  forced  her  to  meet  the  embarrassing 
situation  created  by  the  proposal  of  alliance  and  mutual 
asylum.  Therefore,  it  was  determined  to  send  Thomas 
Randolph,  an  experienced  and  able  diplomatist,  to  ward  off 
the  threatened  danger.  Randolph's  instructions  required 
him  to  temporize  regarding  the  question  of  asylum  and  to 
avoid  committing  himself  to  any  very  definite  propositions 
of  alliance.  On  the  other  hand  he  was  informed  that  the 
only  possible  treaty  relation  with  Russia  was  that  of  a 
grant  of  privileges  for  the  English   merchants  and  that 

26  Tolstoy,  introd.  XX-XXII;  Early  Voyages  and  Travels,  II,  284. 

2T  IbuL,  II,  278. 

28  Post,  174,  note  32,  and  202,  note  10. 

20  Letter  of  Elizaljeth  (Sept.  1(5,  1568),  Hamel,  England  and  Rus- 
sia, 189,  190,  appon.  U.  and  W.;  Early  Voyages  and  Travels,  II,  281, 
282. 


174  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

this  wfis  the  special  reason  for  sending  him  to  Moscow. 
In  the  proposed  negotiations  two  members  of  the  Muscovy 
Company,  Thomas  Bannister  and  Geoffrey  Duckett,  were 
associated  with  him,  and  in  all  commercial  matters  he 
was  to  be  guided  by  the  instructions  they  received  from 
the  Company .^° 

j  Upon  their  arrival  at  Moscow  late  in  September,  1568, 
Randolph,  Bannister,  and  Duckett,  were  not  left  in  doubt 

1.  regarding  the  Czar's  displeasure;  none  of  their  country- 
men were  permitted  to  meet  them,  and  for  over  four 
inonths  they  were  kept  practically  as  prisoners  in  their 
lodgings.  Finally,  on  February  20,  1569,  Randolph  was 
summoned  before  the  Czar  to  deliver  his  message.  Ex- 
cept for  a  secret  conference  a  few  days  later  there  was  a 
further  wait  of  six  weeks,  and  then  he  found  the  Czar 
ready  to  accede  to  his  requests.  On  June  20  a  new  char- 
ter of  privileges  was  signed  by  Ivan  IV,  whereupon 
Randolph  departed  for  England,  accompanied  by 
Andrew  Saviena,  who  was  sent  to  confirm  the  grant 
of  privileges  and  to  continue  the  negotiations  with  Eliza- 
beth.31 

The  new  grant  was  a  confirmation  and  extension  of  the 
rights  previously  enjoyed  by  the  Company.  The  monop- 
oly of  the  northern  ports  was  upheld,  all  Englishmen  save 
members  of  the  Company  were  forbidden  to  trade  at 
Narva,  though  the  merchants  of  all  other  nations  were  to 
be  freely  admitted  to  that  port  as  before,  and  finally  the 
privileges  of  trade  granted  to  Glover,  Rutter,  and  others, 
were  to  be  revoked.^-  The  privilege  of  passage  through 
Russia  to  Asia  was  again  stated  and  was  now  declared  to 
belong  to  the  English  merchants  exclusively,  their  only 
obligations   being   to   take   the    Czar's   merchandise  with 

ao^V/r/i/  }'ojia(!Cs  and  Travels,  II,  241,  242. 

31  Randolph's  own  account  is  in  Hakluyt,  III,  102-108.  See  also 
Earh)  Voyn;ics  and  Travels,  II,  277,  278,  283,  284. 

32  Hakluyt,  III,  109,  116-118;  Early  Voyages  and  Travels,  II,  283. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE        175 

them  to  Persia  and  on  their  return  to  bring  their  wares 
first  to  his  t^easu^y^^^  The  Czar  further  agreed  that  the 
Persian  expedition  now  under  way  should  not  only  have 
freedom  of  passage  but  also  letters  from  him  bespeaking 
the  favor  of  the  Shah,  and  that  whenever  the  Company 
desired  to  send  out  an  expedition  to  seek  Cathay  it  would 
be  granted  permission  to  repair  to  Russia  to  make  all 
necessary  preparations.^* 

In  addition  to  aiding  Randolph  in  these  negotiations. 
Bannister  and  Duckett  had  been  chosen  by  the  merchants 
as  their  factors  for  the  Persian  voyage.  As  they  had 
necessarily  to  await  the  outcome  of  the  negotiations  with 
the  Czar  before  carrying  out  the  second  part  of  their 
instructions,  it  was  not  until  July  3,  1569,  that  they  left 
Jaroslav  for  Persia.^ ^  They  were  accompanied  by  Lionel 
Plumtree  and  twelve  other  Englishmen,  together  with 
forty  Russians  that  they  had  employed.  About  forty 
miles  above  Astrakhan  they  were  attacked  by  a  large  band 
of  Nogay  Tartars,  but  after  a  fierce  two  hours'  struggle 
they  were  able  to  drive  off  their  enemies,  though  their  o'wti 
losses  were  very  heavy.  Consequently  it  was  necessary  to 
remain  for  a  time  at  Astrakhan  for  the  recovery  of  the 
wounded  as  well  as  for  the  equipment  of  their  vessel ;  and 
before  they  were  ready  to  depart  a  large  army  of  Tartars 
and  Turks  besieged  that  place.  According  to  Bannister's 
statement  the  Englishmen  were  compelled  to  unload  their 
goods,  sink  their  ship,  and  do  their  part  towards  the  de- 
fense of  the  town.^"     Apparently  finding  the  place  stronger 

33llakluyt,  III,   109,   110,   117. 

34  Among  special  grants,  under  date  of  July  10.  Ibid.,  Ill, 
118,  119;  Early  Voyages  and  Travels,  II,  275. 

35  The  account  of  this  expedition  given  in  Ilakluyt,  III,  150-157, 
is  well  supplemented  by  a  number  of  letters  of  Bannister  and  Duckett. 
These  have  not  been  printed  but  fortunately  they  are  fully  abstracted 
in  the  Calendar  of  Htate  Papers. 

36  For  details  of  these  misfortunes  see  Bannister  to  Cecil,  Cal.  S. 
P.  For.,  1570,  pp.  221,  222. 


170  TRADP]  IN  ASIA 

than  luid  buen  anticipated  and  fearing  an  attack  by  the 
Russian  army,  the  besiegers  withdrew  in  confusion  and 
with  great  loss.^^  It  was  not  until  the  middle  of  October 
that  the  factors  were  able  to  continue  their  journey  to 
Bilbil  and  thence  to  Shemakha,  where  the  whole  company 
spent  the  winter. 

Proceeding  to  Ardebil  the  following  spring,  the  two  fac- 
tors separated.  Being  unable  to  travel  on  account  of 
sickness,  Duckett  with  half  of  the  men  and  part  of  the 
merchandise  remained  at  Ardebil  for  five  or  six  montLs. 
He  not  only  found  the  place  torn  by  internal  dissensions 
but  also  rather  unsatisfactory'  from  a  commercial  stand- 
point. Upon  leaving  Ardebil  he  seems  to  have  spent  the 
next  two  j^ears  and  a  half  at  Tabriz.^® 

]\Iea.nwliile,  in  answer  to  a  summons  to  the  English  mer- 
chants from  the  Shah,  Bannister  had  proceeded  to  Kazvin, 
where  for  a  time  he  met  with  considerable  trouble  and 
opposition  in  the  prosecution  of  his  suit  for  trading  privi- 
leges. He  complains  of  the  evil  behavior  of  the  servants 
of  the  Company  and  of  their  great  enmity  to  himself;  he 
points  out  that  he  also  had  as  enemies  all  who  had  pur- 
chased goods  from  him,  as  by  keeping  him  from  the  Shah 
they  hoped  to  avoid  making  payment ;  and  finalh%  he  states 
that  he  was  compelled  to  meet  the  opposition  of  the  Ar- 
menian and  other  merchants  who  traded  between  Aleppo 
and  Persia.  Becoming  convinced  that  it  would  be  useless 
to  appeal  to  the  Shah  or  to  his  advisers,  Bannister  made 
earnest  suit  to  Ilyder  ]\Iirza,  a  younger  son  of  the  Pereian 
ruler  whom  the  latter  had  designated  as  his  successor,  and 
fortunately  he  was  able  to  win  the  favor  of  that  prince. 
As  a  result  he  was  shortly  summoned  to  the  court  and 
permitted  to  deliver  the  Queen's  letters  and  messages,  and 
all  of  his  requests  with  a  single  exception  were  granted 

STHakhiyt,  III,  150.  151;   Rambaud,  Russia,  1,  268. 
ssHakluyt,  III,  151-153. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE        177 

and  embodied  in  letters  of  privilege. ^^  For  one  thing  a 
letter  was  issued  to  Hyder  Mirza  which  authorized  him 
to  dispense  justice  in  all  cases  where  the  English  mer- 
chants were  concerned.  Also  it  was  agi'eed  that  one  of 
the  Shah's  servants  should  be  licensed  each  year  to  col- 
lect all  debts  due  the  merchants  anywhere  in  the  Persian 
dominions.  Furthermore,  a  formal  grant  of  trading  privi- 
leges was  given  by  the  Shah  to  his  "greatest  and  best  mer- 
chants," which  declared  that  they  might  trade  at  their 
will  and  pleasure  throughout  his  dominions.  To  this  gen- 
eral statement  of  privilege  there  were  attached  several 
articles  providing  for  the  furthpr  regulation  of  the  trade 
in  that  country.  In  addition  to  these  grants  the  Shah 
further  showed  his  good  will  towards  Bannister  by  pur- 
chasing considerable  merchandise  from  him  and  what  is 
more  to  the  point,  paying  him  ready  money  for  the  same. 
Bannister  had  also  made  request  for  permission  ''to 
transport  and  carie  through  his  dominions  certaine  horses 
into  India,"  but  the  Shah,  it  is  said,  "seemed  loth  to  yeeld 
thereunto,  and  yet  did  not  altogether  denie  it,  but  refused 
it  to  some  further  time. ' '  *"  This  is  interesting  as  the  first 
definite  attempt  to  carry  out  the  instructions  of  the  Com- 
pany in  regard  to  such  an  overland  route,  and  its  success 
would  have  meant  the  completion  of  the  plans  originally 
outlined  by  Jenkinson  in  connection  with  the  first  Per- 
sian voyage.  As  nothing  more  was  done,  it  is  very  prob- 
able that  the  Shah  was  opposed  to  the  undertaking,  espe- 
cially in  view  of  the  attitude  taken  towards  a  somewhat 
similar  movement  to  the  eastward  in  the  following  year. 
Lionel  Plumtree,  persuaded  he  says  by  certain  men  from 
Bokhara,  made  preparations  for  a  journey  to  Cathay,  and 
when  everything  was  ready  he  secretly  joined  a  caravan. 

39  Bannister  to  Cecil,  Cal.  S.  P.  For.,  1571,  pp.  439,  440;  Cal.  S.  P., 
East  Indies,  I,  89;   Hakluyt,  III,   152. 

ioCal.  S.  P.  For.,  1571,  p.  439;  Hakluyt,  III,  152. 


17S  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

l^.ut  aftor  a  six  days'  journey  he  was  overtaken  and 
l)rought  back  by  liorseracn  sent  after  hira  by  one  of  the 
Shah's  lieutenants.  According  to  Plumtree's  account,  he 
was  not  permitted  "to  passe  on  so  perillous  and  dangerous 
a  journey  for  fearc  of  divers  inconveniences  that  might 
follow."" 

On  November  9,  1570,  Bannister  departed  from  Kazvin, 
accompanied  by  a  "sergeant  of  arms"  sent  by  the  Shah 
for  the  apprehension  of  the  debtors  of  the  English  mer- 
chants. Escaping  a  band  of  robbers  that  was  lying  in 
wait  for  him,  he  rejoined  Duckett  at  Tabriz,  succeeded  in 
collecting  the  debts  owing  him,  and  then  proceeded  to 
Shemakha  to  see  to  the  transportation  of  his  merchandise 
for  England.  At  the  same  time  he  prepared  for  the  Com- 
pany the  required  statements  regarding  his  sales  and  the 
goods  remaining  in  his  hands. 

It  seems  to  have  been  the  intention  of  Bannister  and 
Duckett  to  return  from  Persia  in  the  spring  of  1571,  but  at 
that  time  and  again  in  1572  this  was  made  impossible  by 
the  acute  situation  that  had  arisen  in  Russia  out  of  the 
further  demands  of  the  Czar  for  an  alliance  with  Eliza- 
beth.^- The  Persian  as  well  as  the  Russian  trade  was 
thrown  into  great  confusion  and  even  demoralization ;  the 
ship  intended  for  Persia  was  detained,  merchandise  from 
that  country  was  seized  and  held  at  Astrakhan  and  Kazan, 
and  certain  wares  belonging  to  the  Company  were  taken 
outright  by  the  Czar's  officials.'*^     Confronted  by  this  sit- 

41  nakhiyt,  III,  15.3.  1.54.  The  horsemen  were  procured  by  Hum- 
phrey Greensell:  probably  the  Englishmen  feared  the  Shah's  dis- 
pleasure,  as  Plumtree   seems   to  suggest. 

42  Cal.  S.  P.,  East  Indies,  I,  8.  10." 

•»3lTakluyt,  III.  181,  182,  190.  The  utter  demoralization  of  ar- 
rangements at  Astrakhan  is  best  shown  by  a  letter  of  William  Smith, 
who  had  been  sent  to  meet  Bannister  and  Duckett  in  1571.  The 
writer  was  very  frank  in  his  criticisms  of  the  trade  and  of  Com- 
pany's service.  Wright,  Queen  Elizabeth  and  Her  Times,  I,  416- 
420.     See  also  Cal  S.  P.,  East  Indies,  1,  No.  19.     Queen  Elizabeth 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE        179 

nation,  Bannister  determined  to  occupy  himself  further 
in  trade,  and  to  that  end  he  went  to  Arrash  in  order  to 
purchase  raw  silk.  The  stay  at  that  place  proved  disas- 
trous to  the  expedition,  as  Bannister,  Lawrence  Chapman, 
and  three  other  Englishmen  fell  victims  to  the  unwhole- 
some climate.  As  two  others  were  robbed  and  slain,  the 
loss  was  seven  persons  in  the  course  of  five  weeks.'** 
Without  delay  Duckett  took  steps  to  get  control  of  the 
merchandise  at  Arrash,  which  had  been  at  once  seized  and 
sealed  by  the  Shah's  officials,  but  it  was  only  after  a  long 
journey  to  Kazvin  for  letters  from  the  Shah  to  the  ruler 
of  Shemakha  that  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  possession  of 
the  goods.  If  this  had  not  been  done,  the  merchandise 
would  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Shah,  according 
to  the  custom  of  the  country. 

As  a  result  of  negotiations  between  Elizabeth  and  the 
Czar,  the  way  was  opened  in  the  spring  of  1572  for  the  re- 
turn of  Duckett  and  his  associates,  but  too  late  for  them 
to  take  advantage  of  it  before  the  following  year,  thus  still 
further  prolonging  the  Persian  voyage.  After  his  return 
from  Kazvin  to  Shemakha,  therefore,  Duckett  made  a 
journey  to  Kashan,  an  important  commercial  town  of  the 
interior  of  Persia,  frequented  by  the  merchants  of  India. 
Remaining  there  for  two  months  and  a  half,  he  brought 
some  spices  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  "Turkic 
stones"  and  of  various  sorts  of  wrought  silks.  During 
the  rest  of  the  year  he  visited  other  places  for  the  pur- 
chase of  raw  silk  and  other  commodities.*^  Finalh',  in 
the  spring  of  1573  he  came  to  Shabran,  loaded  his  mer- 
chandise, and  on  May  8  embarked  for  Astrakhan. 

However,  the  misfortunes  of  this  remarkable  expedition 

felt  it  necessary  to  write  to  the  Czar  in  behalf  of  Bannister  and 
Duckett.     Early  Voyages  and  Travels,  II,  303. 

44llakliiyt,  III,  153;  Duckett  to  Cecil  (April  4,  1572),  Cal.  S. 
P.,  East  Indies,  I,   10. 

45Hakliiyt,  III,  154,  155. 


180  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

were  by  no  moans  at  an  end.  Because  of  the  winds  and 
the  dangerous  shoals  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  the  ship  beat 
about  for  twenty  days  and  then  on  May  28,  while  riding 
at  anchor,  it  was  attacked  by  a  band  of  Russian  outlaws. 
After  some  very  severe  fighting  the  Englishmen  were 
forced  to  give  up  their  ship  in  return  for  promises  of  per- 
sonal safety,  whereupon  they  were  cast  adrift  in  the  ship's 
boat  and  compelled  to  make  their  way  to  Astrakhan  as 
best  they  could.  From  that  place  the  Russians  sent  out 
an  expedition  against  the  robbers,  but  it  bungled  matters 
so  badly  that  nothing  was  accomplished.  A  second  expe- 
dition did  considerably  better;  it  came  up  with  a  part  of 
the  outlaws,  killed  them,  and  recovered  merchandise  to 
the  value  of  £5000  out  of  the  £30,000  or  £40,000  that  had 
been  lost,  but  the  rest  of  the  goods  together  wdth  the  ship 
was  apparently  never  heard  of  again.*^ 

After  delaying  two  months  at  Astrakhan  for  the  recov- 
ery of  their  strength  the  Englishmen  began  the  long  voy- 
age up  the  Volga.  Somewhere  between  Kazan  and  Jaro- 
slav  the  ice  in  the  river  crushed  their  boats  and  so  once 
more  they  were  threatened  with  loss  of  life  and  goods.  As 
much  of  the  merchandise  as  was  saved  they  conveyed  over- 
land in  sleds  to  Vologda  and  thence  to  St.  Nicholas  for 
shipment  to  England.  However,  Duckett,  Plumtree,  and 
Amos  Riall  took  some  Avares  to  IMoscow  and  there  made 
sales  to  the  Czar,  receiving  the  money  therefor.  The  fol- 
lowing summer  they  embarked  for  England  and  after  a 
severe  passage  of  over  nine  weeks  they  reached  London  in 
October,  1574,  thus  ending  the  longest  and  most  unfortu- 
nate of  all  the  Persian  ventures.*^ 

4«Hakluyt,  III,   155,   156. 

*T  Upon  his  return  Duckett  had  trouble  with  the  Company  over 
the  terms  of  his  agreement  with  it.  Acts  of  Privy  Council,  1581-2, 
pp.  378,  370.  An  intimation  of  the  nature  of  the  trouble  is  given 
in  one  of  Bannister's  letters  to  Cecil.  Cal.  S.  P.,  East  Indies,  I,  8, 
9. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  PERSIAN  TRADE        181 

Judged  by  the  number  of  men  engaged,  by  the  length 
of  time  spent  in  Persia,  by  the  amount  of  territory  cov- 
ered and  the  number  of  towns  visited,  and  especially  by 
the  various  glimpses  of  the  trade  afforded  here  and  there, 
the  fifth  voyage  to  Persia  was  considerably  the  largest  and 
most  important  of  the  expeditions  of  the  Muscovy  Com- 
pany beyond  the  borders  of  Russia.  In  order  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  the  important  Persian  and  Russian  grants  of 
1566  and  1567,  the  Company  carefully  prepared  for  this 
expedition,  they  placed  it  under  competent  leadership,  and 
apparently  they  expected  much  from  it.  Unfortunately 
in  this  as  in  the  other  voyages  no  formal  statement  of  the 
amount  or  the  profits  of  the  trade  either  to  or  from  Per- 
sia is  to  be  found,  but  scattered  references  in  the  letters 
of  the  agents  seem  to  indicate  clearly  enough  that,  under 
the  Shah's  protection,  the  trade  in  both  respects  offered 
excellent  possibilities.*^  Also,  after  recounting  the  various 
misfortunes  and  losses  of  the  expedition,  Lionel  Plumtree 
exclaimed  that  "if  it  had  pleased  God  to  prosper  that  all 
things  had  come  home  as  safely  as  they  were  carefully  pro- 
vided and  painfully  laboured  for,  it  had  proved  the  rich- 
est voyage  and  most  profitable  returne  of  commoditie  that 
had  ever  bene  undertaken  by  English  merchants. ' '  ^®  He 
furthermore  added  that,  in  spite  of  those  misfortunes,  the 
merchants  did  not  lose  any  of  their  principal,  but  only  the 
interest  and  the  profit  due  them  upon  their  stock.  These 
statements  being  true,  the  volume  of  the  trade  and  its 
profits  as  well  must  have  been  such  as  to  justify  the  great 
risks  taken  by  the  Muscovy  Company  in  its  prosecution. 

48  For  example,  on  his  way  to  Kazvin  Bannister  sold  a  thousand 
pieces  of  kersios,  and  later  he  took  to  Shemakha  for  shipment  two 
inindred  camel  loads  of  mercliandise  and  money;  Duckett  thought 
tlie  Company  mi{,'ht  make  £10,000  on  a  consij^nment  of  his,  while  on 
his  return  in  1573  it  has  been  seen  that  his  cargo  was  valued  at 
£30,000  to  £40,000.  Cal.  8.  P.,  For.,  1571,  p.  439,  440;  Duckett  to 
Cecil,  April  4,  1572,  as  quoted  in  Voyages  and  Travels,  11,  427,  note  1. 

49Hakluyt,  III,    157. 


CHAPTER  IV 

TIIK  DOWNFALL  OF  THE  PERSLVN  TRADE 

Upon  the  rotiuii  of  Geoffrey  Duckett  to  England  in 
17)14:  after  his  long  absence  in  Persia  there  followed  an 
interval  of  five  years  in  which  nothing  further  was  done 
in  the  attempt  to  develop  the  trade  beyond  the  Caspian 
Sea.  AVhen,  in  1579,  conditions  became  such  as  to  per- 
mit a  renewal  of  the  venture,  an  expedition  was  sent  out 
which  was  destined  to  be  no  more  successful  than  previous 
ones,  and  which  proved  to  be  the  last  of  that  remarkable 
scries  of  voyages  across  Russia  into  Asia  under  the  author- 
ity of  the  Muscovy  Company.  This  comparatively'  long 
period  of  inaction  between  the  fifth  and  sixth  voyages  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  the  result  of  discouragement  fol- 
lowing Duckett 's  misfortunes  while  returning  from  Per- 
sia ;  apparently  his  losses  did  not  by  any  means  destroy  the 
faith  of  the  English  merchants  in  the  advantages  of  their 
eonunercial  relations  with  that  country,  as  is  well  showTi 
by  the  renewal  of  their  efforts  when  the  situation  again 
appeared  favorable.  Though  it  is  admitted  that  the  avail- 
able .sources  do  not  justify  one  in  gi^^ng  a  definite  ex- 
planation of  this  inactivity,  still  it  may  be  well  worth 
while  to  point  out  certain  facts  that  seem  to  have  an  im- 
portant bearing  on  the  question.  Of  these  undoubtedly 
the  most  significant  are  the  probable  condition  of  the 
]\Iuseovy  Company,  the  enthusiasm  of  Englishmen  for  ri- 
val interests  and  the  changes  in  political  conditions  in 
Russia,  and  especially  the  breaking  of  diplomatic  relations 
with  England  as  a  result  of  further  negotiations  concern- 
ing an  Anglo-Russian  alliance. 

In  no  other  way  perhaps  can  some  of  the  essential  cliar- 

182 


DO^VNFALL  OF  THE  PERSIAN  TRADE      183 

acteristies  of  the  Russian  and  Persian  trade  be  so  well 
explained  and  emphasized  as  by  the  story  of  these  nego- 
tiations between  the  Queen  and  the  Czar.  To  all  appear- 
ances Thomas  Randolph  had  been  successful  in  his  mis- 
sion to  the  Russian  court;  the  grant  of  privileges  obtained 
by  him  for  the  IMuscovy  Company  not  only  covered  the 
questions  in  dispute  but  also  was  the  fullest  grant  of 
trading  privileges  that  the  English  merchants  ever  en- 
joyed in  Russia.  Unfortunately  for  the  merchants,  how- 
ever, Randolph  did  not  fully  succeed  in  putting  aside  the 
troublesome  question  of  an  alliance,  the  one  thing  above 
all  else  in  which  the  Czar  was  interested.  Thus,  on  his 
return  to  England  in  1569,  Randolph  was  accompanied  by 
Andrew  Saviena,  who  was  to  continue  in  that  country  the 
negotiations  for  a  secret  treaty.  Though  the  ambassador 
remained  in  England  for  nearly  a  year,  it  proved  impos- 
sible to  obtain  the  desired  treaty ;  he  had  to  content  him- 
self with  Elizabeth's  offer  of  a  strong  league  of  amity  as 
far  as  other  treaties  and  alliances  would  permit,  together 
with  promises  of  mutual  aid  against  their  common  ene- 
mies.^ At  the  same  time  a  secret  letter  signed  by  a  num- 
ber of  important  English  nobles  and  officials  was  sent  to 
the  Czar  promising  him  a  safe  retreat  in  England  if  at 
any  time  he  found  it  needful.-  AVith  these  lettere  Saviena 
departed  for  Russia  about  the  middle  of  ^lay,  1570. 

The  Czar,  angry  at  the  outcome,  wrote  a  somewhat  in- 
sulting letter  to  Elizabeth,^  in  which  he  declared  that  her 
kingdom  was  ruled  by  merchants  and  that  she  preferred 
their  interests  to  great  affaire  of  state.  He  had  already 
seized  the  goods  of  the  English  merchants,*  and  now  he 

1  Elizabeth  to  Ivan  (May  18,  1570),  Early  Voyages  and  Travels, 
II,  288;  Tolstoy,  No.  25. 

a  Early    Voyages   and   Travels,   II,   290-292. 

3  Tolstoy,  No.  28;  R.  H.  S.  Trans.,  VII,  86-90;  Early  Voyages 
and   Travels,  II,  292-297. 

■ilhid.,   II,   299. 


184  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

proceeded  to  revoke  all  the  privileges  that  he  had  granted 
to  them.  Consequently  the  Muscovy  Company  was  con- 
fronted with  the  grave  danger  of  losing  its  trade  with 
Russia  and  of  seeing  the  destruction  of  its  hopes  in  re- 
gard to  Persia  and  the  East.  As  other  means  failed  to 
ward  off  the  danger,  it  was  finally  decided  that  Anthony 
Jenkinson  should  be  sent  to  cope  with  the  extremely  crit- 
ical situation  that  had  thus  developed.  Though  Jenkin- 
son arrived  at  St.  Nicholas  on  July  27,  1571,  it  was  not 
until  the  following  March  that  he  was  permitted  to  pre- 
sent himself  before  the  Czar  and  not  until  the  middle  of 
May  that  he  obtained  the  final  reply  of  Ivan  to  his  re- 
quests in  behalf  of  the  English  merchants.  In  regard  to 
the  treaty  the  Russian  ruler  announced  that  for  the  pres- 
ent he  would  cease  to  importune  the  Queen.  He  further 
stated  that  he  would  forgive  the  Company  for  its  misdeeds 
and  restore  its  privileges.^  Upon  receipt  of  the  answers  to 
his  various  requests  Jenkinson  at  once  departed,  and  later 
the  grant  of  privileges  was  written  out  for  the  formal  ap- 
proval of  the  Czar.  Throughout  the  whole  proceeding, 
however,  it  seems  clear  that  the  Company  had  suffered 
severely  as  a  result  of  the  Czar's  recent  displeasure  and 
also  that  Jenkinson  had  lost  much  of  his  former  favor. 

It  was,  however,  this  relatively  fortunate  ending  of  Jen- 
kinson's  negotiations  that  opened  the  way  for  Duckett's 
return  from  Persia  and  the  restoration  of  the  previous 
conditions  underlying  the  trade  with  that  country.  Fur- 
thermore, it  was  promised  that  a  plan  proposed  by  Jenkin- 
son for  the  establishment  of  the  whole  trans-Caspian  trade 
at  Astrakhan  should  be  given  due  consideration  and  the 
Czar's  pleasure  therein  made  known  later.®  This  last 
point  is  significant  as  an  indication  of  a  possible  abandon- 

sHakluyt,   III,   187,   189. 

cjbid.,  Ill,  183,  190.  Christopher  Burrough  later  advised  that 
tlie  Russian  trade  be  thus  centered  at  Kholmogory.  Early  Voyages 
and   Travels,  introd.,   CXI-CXII. 


DOWNFALL  OF  THE  PERSIAN  TRADE      185 

ment  of  the  Persian  voyages  and  a  suggestion  that  per- 
haps better  results  might  be  obtained  by  attracting  Per- 
sian trade  to  Astrakhan  than  by  seeking  it  at  Shemakha 
or  Kazvin.  Though  such  a  plan  offered  certain  obvious 
advantages,  it  does  not  seem  to  have  received  any  further 
attention,  and  the  next  voyage  followed  the  established 
lines  of  trade. 

The  friendly  relations  between  England  and  Russia  con- 
tinued for  a  time,  but  on  August  20,  1574,  two  years  after 
Jenkinson's  mission,  the  Czar  reopened  the  whole  question 
of  the  secret  treaty.  Daniel  Sylvester  brought  word  to 
England  of  the  Czar's  angry  complaints  and  the  situation 
seemed  to  show  that  the  treaty  was  necessary  in  order  to 
avert  the  ruin  of  the  trade.^  After  his  return  to  Russia 
in  the  following  year  Sylvester  had  two  audiences  with 
the  Czar,  in  which  Ivan  IV  explained  his  desire  for  a  place 
of  refuge,  reiterated  his  grievancCvS,  and  declared  that  the 
messages  brought  by  Sylvester  were  as  unsatisfactory  as 
those  brought  by  Saviena  and  Jenkinson.  He  threatened 
to  take  away  all  privileges  from  the  English  merchants  if 
his  demands  were  not  acceded  to,  though  he  agreed  to  wait 
for  the  Queen's  final  decision  before  resorting  to  such  ex- 
treme measures.^  When  this  was  made  known  in  England 
it  was  seen  that  further  delay  or  temporizing  was  out  of 
the  question,  and  consequently  Sylvester  was  again  sent 
back  A\4th  letters  from  the  Queen,  but  at  Kholmogory  he 
was  killed  by  lightning  and  all  of  his  letters  and  papers 
were  burned,  with  the  result  that  the  real  nature  of  his 
mission  is  not  known.  For  three  years  thereafter  the  ne- 
gotiations apparently  were  allowed  to  drop  and  as  far  as 
the  Company  is  concerned  the  period  is  lacking  in  docu- 
mentary explanation  of  any  kind.®     Though  it  seems  clear 

7  Czar  to  Elizabeth  (Aug.  20,  1574),  R.  H.  S.  Trans.,  VII,  96-100. 

8  For    Sylvester's    account   of   these    audiences    of   Nov.    29,    1575, 
and  Jan.   29,    1576,   see   Ibid.,  VII,   107-111. 

9  Tolstoy,  introd.  XXXIII;  R.  H.  8.  Trans.,  VII,  111. 


186  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

pnongh  that  the  ]\Iuscovy  Company  continued  to  carry  on 
its  Russian  trade,  there  is  very  little  to  suggest  the  charac- 
ter of  its  actual  position  or  the  scope  of  its  privileges  dur- 
ing that  time. 

As  has  been  pointed  out,  this  diplomatic  situation  and 
the  consequent  uncertainty  in  regard  to  the  future  of  the 
]\Tuscovy  Company  seems  to  offer  a  plausible  explanation 
of  the  temporary  abandonment  of  the  Persian  venture. 
During  the  period  from  Duckett's  return  to  England  in 
1574  to  the  sending  out  of  the  final  expedition  in  1579 
the  Company  undoubtedly  found  itself  in  the  midst  of  the 
confusion  and  disorder  that  characterized  the  latter  part 
of  the  reign  of  Ivan  the  Terrible,  and  ^vithout  the  Czar's 
positive  sanction  and  protection  it  may  well  have  hesitated 
to  send  more  merchandise  into  Rassia  for  the  Persian 
market.  Besides,  since  the  closing  of  Astrakhan  and  the 
Volga  to  the  return  of  Bannister  and  Duckett,  nothing 
further  was  needed  to  emphasize  the  risk  of  the  Persian 
venture  when  its  base  in  Russia  was  not  secure.  Further- 
more, the  growing  frequency  of  wars  in  the  region  through 
which  it  was  necessary  to  pass  may  have  had  an  important 
bearing  upon  the  interruption  of  the  Persian  trade.  It 
was  to  this  cause  that  Elizabeth,  in  her  letter  to  the  Shah 
in  1579,  attributed  the  break  in  the  commercial  relations 
between  England  and  Persia,^"  though  manifestly  she 
would  not  desire  to  make  any  mention  of  the  Czar's  un- 
friendliness. 

There  is  another  fact  which  from  the  English  side  may 
also  have  had  its  influence  on  the  intemiption  of  the  Per- 
sian trade.  In  that  suggestive  shifting  of  attention  from 
one  route  to  another  during  this  period,  it  may  be  that 
the  hope  of  passage  by  way  of  Russia  and  Persia  was  over- 

10  Hakluyt,  III,  213.  Wars  were  almost  constant  from  1569  to 
the  end  of  the  period  of  the  Persian  voyages.  Howorth,  Mongols, 
II,  503,  504,  507-509,  511,  515,  510,  etc. 


DOAA^FALL  OF  THE  PERSIAN  TRADE      187 

shadowed  by  the  enthusiasm  for  the  voyages  of  Frobisher 
to  the  northwest  in  1576,  1577,  and  1578,  in  search  of 
another  solution  of  the  same  problem,  and  that  further 
activity  was  suspended  to  await  the  outcome.  If  that  be 
so,  then  the  reaction  from  Frobisher 's  failure  will  explain 
the  great  activity  of  the  IMuscovy  Company  in  the  next 
two  years,  namely,  the  Persian  expedition  of  1579-81  and 
the  voyage  of  Pet  and  Jackman  to  the  northeast  in  1580. 

And  finally,  mention  may  be  made  of  the  fact  that  at 
this  time  the  IMuscovy  Company  had  suffered  great  losses 
and  had  assumed  burdensome  debts,  for  the  payment  of 
which  a  levy  was  made  on  the  Adventurers.  There  was 
trouble,  however,  in  regard  to  its  collection,  and  as  a  re- 
sult the  Privy  Council  appointed  a  committee  to  look  into 
the  matter."  If  the  records  of  the  Company  were  in  ex- 
istence, possibly  they  would  show  that  this  phase  of  the 
situation  offers  a  real  explanation  of  the  period  under 
consideration. 

The  influences  underlying  the  Anglo-Russian  trade 
proved  strong  enough  to  overcome  the  strained  relations 
between  the  two  countries  resulting  from  the  Czar's  dis- 
pleasure towards  Elizabeth.  On  the  one  hand  the  Eng- 
lish merchants  were  anxious  to  maintain  their  position  in 
Russia  and  Persia ;  on  the  other  hand  Ivan 's  struggle  with 
the  King  of  Poland  to  the  west  served  to  emphasize  his 
need  of  commercial  relations  with  a  countiy  able  to  supply 
the  much-desired  military  stores  independently  of  the  Bal- 
tic route.  In  the  years  following  the  death  of  Sylvester, 
Ivan  is  said  to  have  been  in  desperate  straits,  and  so  it  is 
not  surprising  to  find  that  in  1580  he  determined  to  send 
Jerome  Horsey,  one  of  the  agents  of  the  ]\Iuscov3^  Com- 
panj^  in  Russia,  overland  to  England  for  the  purpose  of 
negotiating   for  military   supplies.     Horsey   was  well   re- 

11  Acts  of  Privy  Council,  under  dates  Dec.  2,  1578,  and  Mar.  7, 
1579. 


188  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

ceived  by  the  Queen  and  by  the  merchants  and  the  latter 
supplied  him  with  everything  the  Czar  had  desired  from 
them/^ 

Meanwhile  the  English  merchants  had  organized  and 
sent  out  another  Persian  expedition,  under  Arthur  Ed- 
wards, William  Turnbull,  Matthew  Tailbois,  and  Peter 
Garrard  as  agents.  It  was  eleven  years  since  Bannister 
and  Duckett  had  sailed  from  England  on  the  preceding 
venture,  and  now  as  then  Elizabeth  besought  the  Shah  to 
receive  her  merchants  with  favor  and  to  grant  them  trad- 
ing privileges. ^^  In  view  of  the  interruption  of  the  trade 
and  the  change  of  rulers  in  Persia  it  was  felt  that  such 
new  grants  were  highly  desirable.^*  The  factors  with 
their  merchandise  reached  St.  Nicholas  on  July  22,  1579, 
and  by  October  16  they  were  at  Astrakhan  where  they 
found  their  ship  in  readiness.^^  However,  the  approach 
of  winter  and  reports  of  Turkish  conquests  in  Shirvan  led 
the  Englishmen  to  remain  in  Astrakhan  until  the  follow- 
ing spring.  During  the  winter  that  place  was  besieged 
for  a  short  time  by  an  army  of  Nogay  and  Krim  Tartars, 
a  fact  that  well  illustrates  the  altered  conditions  prevail- 
ing in  those  regions  that  border  on  the  Caspian  Sea. 

With  the  spring  there  came  news  that  the  Persians  had 
won  a  victory  over  the  Turks  but  that  the  latter  still  held 
Derbend  and  the  greater  part  of  Shirvan.  Upon  consulta- 
tion, therefore,  it  was  decided  that  Arthur  Edwards  with 

12  Copper,  lead,  powder,  saltpetre,  brimstone,  and  other  things,  to 
the  value  of  £9,000.  Travels  of  Jerome  Horsey  {Russia  at  Close 
of  Sixteenth  Century),   194. 

isHakluyt,   III,   212-214. 

"  Cal.  S.  P.,  East  Indies,  I,  61.  On  the  death  of  Shah  Tahraasp 
three  of  his  sons  came  to  the  throne  in  rapid  succession,  Hyder 
Mirza,  Ismail  II,  and  Mohammed  Mirza.  Malcolm,  Persia,  I,  334- 
338. 

15  This  the  sixth  Persian  voyage  is  described  by  Christopher  Bur- 
rough,  the  account  in  Hakluyt,  III,  214-247,  being  gathered  from 
his  various   letters. 


DOWNFALL  OF  THE  PERSIAN  TRADE      189 

half  of  the  goods  should  remain  at  Astrakhan  ^®  while  the 
other  factors  proceeded  with  the  rest  to  the  coast  of 
Shii^'an  to  see  what  might  be  done  there.  In  case  no  trade 
was  found,  it  was  the  intention  that  they  should  go  on  to 
the  province  of  Ghilan  with  their  merchandise.  ]\Iean- 
time  two  men  were  sent  back  to  Jaroslav  with  letters  of 
advice  for  England  and  with  orders  for  the  detention  in 
Russia  of  all  the  goods  coming  that  year  from  England 
for  the  Persian  market." 

On  May  1  the  three  factors  left  Astrakhan  and  on  the 
27th  they  anchored  at  Bildih  in  Shirvan,  a  port  between 
Bilbil  and  Baku.  The  reports  concerning  the  Turkish  con- 
quests were  now  fully  confirmed,  and  besides  it  was  said 
that  Shemakha  was  almost  desolated.  In  fact  the  situa- 
tion seemed  so  unpromising  that  the  factors  were  almost 
persuaded  to  return  to  Russia.^^  However,  receiving  per- 
mission and  aid  from  the  Turkish  officer  at  Baku  they 
determined  to  go  to  Derbend  to  request  a  grant  of  privi- 
leges from  the  Pasha  whereby  they  might  trade  in  safety 
in  any  part  of  his  dominions.  This  official  declared  his 
willingness  to  give  them  the  privileges,  and  yet,  knowdng 
the  disturbed  state  of  the  country  and  perhaps  not  un- 
mindful of  his  own  profit,  he  advised  the  bringing  of  their 
ship  to  Derbend,  which  was  accordingly  done.  Here,  on 
June  29,  they  unloaded  their  merchandise,  paying  the 
Pasha  one  kersey  out  of  each  twenty-five  as  toll. 

From  Derbend  goods  to  the  value  of  £1000  were  sent  to 
Baku  in  charge  of  three  servants  of  the  Company.  Though 
the  Englishmen  were  well  received,  their  sales  were  small; 
and  besides,  an  attempt  of  one  of  their  number  to  re- 
establish trading  relations  with  Shemakha  very  nearly  re- 

iQ  Edwards  died  at  Astrakhan  somewhat  later.  Hakluyt,  III,  231, 
232. 

i7/6i(/.,  Ill,  220. 
i8/6irf.,  Ill,  225. 


190  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

suited  in  the  loss  of  his  goods  and  his  life.^"*  Their  ship 
having  proved  iinseaworthy,  another  was  obtained  in  its 
place,  but  this  unfortunately  was  wrecked  on  the  return 
from  Baku  and  a  chest  of  money  and  a  portion  of  the 
merchandise  Avere  lost.  IMeanwhile,  at  Derbend  itself  the 
trade  was  somewhat  better,  though  raw  silk  was  the  only 
commodity  to  be  had,  and  this  was  obtained  only  through 
the  Pasha's  hands.  Though  the  dealings  of  the  latter 
were  not  always  equitable  and  his  prices  for  the  English 
wares  were  rather  low,  the  country  was  in  such  confusion 
and  travel  so  dangerous  that  it  was  only  through  him  that 
the  English  merchants  were  able  to  obtain  any  merchan- 
dise at  all.-° 

On  October  2  the  factors  were  suddenly  ordered  by  the 
Turkish  governor  to  leave  Derbend.^^  The  next  day,  just 
as  they  were  ready  to  return  to  Astrakhan,  they  received 
the  news  of  the  mishap  to  those  who  had  been  sent  to 
Baku.  Their  voyage  to  the  southward  to  pick  up  these 
men  caused  some  delay,  and  it  was  not  until  the  16th  that 
the  return  voyage  began.  On  account  of  the  lateness  of 
the  season  their  ship  was  caught  in  the  ice  near  the  islands 
off  the  mouth  of  the  Volga  and  both  ship  and  cargo  had  to 
be  abandoned,  while  the  merchants  made  their  waj'  on  the 
ice  towards  Astrakhan.  Lost  for  a  time  and  suffering  pri- 
vation, they  finally  met  a  rescue  party  that  had  been  sent 
out.  A  little  later  the  goods  were  loaded  on  sleds  and 
after  escaping  capture  by  a  band  of  Tartar  horsemen  they 
also  Avere  brought  in  safety  to  Astrakhan.--  After  spend- 
ing the  winter  at  that  place,  most  of  the  English  merchants 
on  April  9,  1581,  set  out  for  Jaroslav,  leaving  three  men 
behind  for  a  time  to  attempt  the  disposal  of  more  of  the 

isHakluyt,  III,  230. 

20  Ibid.,  hi,  234. 

21  Ibid.,  Ill,  232. 

22  Ibid.,  Ill,  239-245,  gives  the  story  in  detail. 


DOWNFALL  OF  THE  PERSIAN  TRADE      191 

merchandise.     In   due   time    the  merchants  and   also   the 
wares  brought  from  Persia  reached  England  in  safety. 

Thus,  this  attempt  of  the  ]\Iuscovy  Company  to  rees- 
tablish its  commercial  relations  with  Persia  proved  to  be 
a  hopeless  task;  not  only  did  the  factors  fail  to  enter 
Persia  proper,  but  what  little  encouragement  they  at  first 
received  from  the  Turks  was  soon  withdrawn  and  clearly 
nothing  remained  except  to  abandon  the  undertaking. 
The  realities  of  the  situation  form  a  striking  contra.st  to 
the  hopes  and  plans  of  the  merchants  in  England,  who  evi- 
dently were  counting  heavily  on  a  renewal  of  the  trade. 
It  was  thought  by  them  that  a  ratification  of  the  privileges 
formerly  granted  by  Shah  Tahmasp  I  would  be  sufficient 
reason  for  sending  an  ambassador  to  Persia,  and  it  was 
suggested  that  a  '' gentleman  bred  in  the  Court"  should 
be  chosen  for  this  mission.  Also  it  was  proposed  to  send 
out  with  him  experienced  men  of  different  trades  to  learn 
the  methods  of  manufacture  of  saltpeter,  Turkey  blades, 
plates  for  armor,  carpets,  and  other  things.-^  A  begin- 
ning along  this  line  had  been  made  in  1579  when  Morgan 
Hubblethorne,  a  London  dyer,  was  sent  with  the  Persian 
expedition  at  the  expense  of  the  city  in  order  to  make  a 
study  of  dyeing  substances  and  methods  of  dyeing  in  the 
countries  to  be  visited,  with  a  view  to  introducing  improve- 
ments at  home  in  this  branch  of  the  cloth  industry,-^  but 
unfortunatel}'  this  plia.se  of  development  as  well  as  the 
hope  of  a  profitable  trade  in  Persia  was  ended  as  a  result 
of  the  Turkish  advance  to  the  Caspian  Sea.  With  the  fail- 
ure  of  their   expedition  the   English   merchants   seem  to 

2^Cal.  .S'.  p.,  Dom.,  1,581-1500.  p.  ,587;  Cnl.  S.  P.,  Ea.<it  Indies.  T, 
50,  61.  The  former  gives  1589  as  the  date  of  these  documents,  the 
latter  1580?;  the  reference  to  a  voyage  to  the  northeast  points  to 
1580  as  probably  correct. 

2-tHakluyt,  TIT,  245,  249-251.  Tn  Acts  of  Privvy  Council,  Last  of 
May,  1579,  may  be  found  the  letter  to  the  warden  of  the  Dyers  which 
led  to  this  action. 


192  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

have  made  the  best  of  the  situation  by  wisely  deciding  to 
abandon  so  hazardous  a  field  of  commercial  activity, 
though  they  kept  somewhat  in  touch  with  eastern  mer- 
chants through  their  trade  at  Astrakhan.^^ 

Although  no  more  trading  expeditions  were  sent  to  Per- 
sia by  the  Muscovy  Company  for  over  a  century  and  a 
half,  the  right  of  passage  through  Russia  to  that  country 
continued  to  be  a  matter  of  interest  and  retained  its  place 
in  the  various  grants  or  renewals  of  privileges  obtained 
from  successive  Czars.  Early  in  1587,  for  example,  when 
Jerome  Horsey  obtained  a  letter  of  privileges  from  the 
successor  of  Ivan  IV,  provision  was  made  that  English 
merchants  should  be  permitted  to  cross  the  Caspian  into 
Persian  or  other  countries  without  payment  of  duty.^^ 
Another  grant  made  in  the  following  year  at  the  solicita- 
tion of  Giles  Fletcher  went  further  than  this,  as  it  de- 
clared that  the  Company  should  have  the  sole  right  to 
trade  through  Russia  "into  Media,  Persia,  Bogharia,  and 
other  East  countries. "  ^^  Other  letters  of  privilege,  such 
as  those  of  1596,  1605,  and  1621,  continued  to  mention  this 
right  of  passage.'*  That  it  was  a  privilege  not  lightly 
valued  is  shown  by  the  negotiations  of  1617-8,  in  which  the 
Czar's  desire  for  a  large  loan  was  used  in  an  attempt  to 
obtain  from  him  this  along  with  other  concessions.^^  Fur- 
thermore, it  was  regarded  as  of  sufficient  importance  to  be 
given  full  expression  in  the  treaty  of  alliance  and  trade 
entered  into  by  Russia  and  England  in  1623.^°     Even  as 

25  See  Elizabeth  to  Theodore  (April  30,  1589),  Tolstoy,  No.  66, 
for  the  conditions  existing  in    1583. 

26Hakluyt,  III,  350,  351;  Horsey,  Travels,  227,  228. 

27  Hakluyt,  III,  355,  art.  11;  Fletcher,  Russe  Commonwealth,  in 
Russia  at  Close  of  Sixteenth  Century,  80. 

28  Hakluyt,  III,  442;  Piirchas.,  XIV,  154,  170,  288. 

20  CaL  8.  P.,  East  Indies,  II,  Nos.  307-310,  312,  467;  Cal.  S.  P., 
Dom..  Add.,  1580-1625,  pp.  639,  640;  Hamel,  England  and  Russia, 
390,  391. 

soRymer,  Foedera,  VII,  pt.  IV,    p.  73. 


DOWNFALL  OF  THE  PERSIAN  TRADE      193 

late  as  1697,  fifty  years  after  the  loss  to  the  English  mer- 
chants of  all  their  privileges  in  Russia,^^  it  is  interesting 
to  find  that  the  Committee  of  Trade  and  Plantations  con- 
sidered this  freedom  of  passage  and  of  trade  to  Persia  as 
one  of  the  more  important  of  the  old-time  privileges  that 
if  possible  it  was  desirable  to  regain.^- 

In  addition  to  these  treaties  and  grants  of  privileges 
there  were  various  plans  proposed  for  the  Persian  trade 
which  likewise  show  a  continuance  of  interest.  Appar- 
ently an  expedition  was  under  consideration  in  1601,  pro- 
vided the  necessary  concessions  could  be  obtained  from  the 
Czar.^^  Twelve  years  later  some  stir  was  created  by  a 
project  for  the  extension  of  the  trade  not  only  to  Persia 
but  also  to  India.  Although  James  I  was  sufficiently  in- 
terested to  have  Sir  Henry  Neville  discuss  the  matter  sev- 
eral times  with  the  Council,  the  thoroughly  unsubstantial 
character  of  the  project  is  perhaps  enough  to  explain  why 
nothing  more  is  heard  of  it.^*  Much  more  promising  in 
character  was  the  proposal  to  revive  the  transit  trade 
through  Russia  that  followed  the  temporary  amalgama- 
tion of  the  Muscovy  and  East  India  companies  in  1618  for 
this  and  other  purposes.^^  The  next  year  they  sent  out 
Giles  Hobbas  to  go  over  the  route  from  Jaroslav  to  Ispahan 
by  way  of  Astrakhan,  the  Caspian  Sea,  and  Shemakha, 
and  to  report  on  the  situation.  After  discussing  in  his 
report  the  possibilities  of  the  trade,  the  rivalry  of  the 
Turks,  the  Arabs,  the  Armenians,  and  especially  the  Por- 
tuguese, and  the  practicability  of  the  various  routes  from 

31  Cal.  /?.  p.  Dom.,  1653,  Xo.  149. 

32  Off L  of  MH^.  of  Marquis  of  Bath  {Hist.  MS8.  Comm.),  Ill,  148- 
151. 

ss^alishury    MS>^.,    Pt.    XI,    pp.    347,    348. 

34  Winwood,  Memorials,  III,  453;  Cal.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1613,  p.  182, 
and  Ibid.,  East  Indies,  I,  No.  644;  Report  on  MSS.  Duke  of  Biiccleugh 
and  Queensherry,   (Hist.  M8S.  Comm.),  1,  124. 

35  Cal.  S.  P.,  East  Indies,  II,  Nos.  306,  314. 


194  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

Moscow  to  Persia,  Ilobbes  concluded  by  recommending 
the  reopening  of  this  northern  route  through  Russia.^^ 
However,  the  only  actual  exploitation  of  Persia  in  the 
seventeenth  century  was  destined  to  be  that  by  the  East 
India  Company  from  the  opposite  direction,  but  that  de- 
velopment lies  outside  the  limits  of  the  present  discussion. 
It  was  not  until  the  time  of  Peter  the  Great  that  Eng- 
lishmen were  again  afforded  extensive  opportunities  in 
Russia,  and  not  until  towards  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 
century  that  English  merchants  once  more  sent  their  fac- 
tors and  their  merchandise  from  Russia  over  the  Caspian 
Sea  to  make  trial  of  the  Persian  trade,  though  unfortu- 
nately with  no  better  or  more  permanent  results  than 
they  had  achieved  in  their  earlier  attempts  during  the 
reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth.^^ 

36  Purchas,  V,  257-262. 

37  One  of  these  factors,  Jonas  Hanway,  has  told  the  story  in  great 
detail,  in  his  Historical  Account  of  British  Trade  over  the  Caspian 
Sea,  Vol.  I. 


CHAPTER    V 

THE   STRENGTH   AND   WEAKNESS    OP    THE   PERSIAN   VENTURE 

A  study  of  the  successive  voyages  of  the  IMuscovy  Com- 
pany into  Asia  reveals  how  fully  they  were  characteristic 
of  the  new  epoch  of  adventure,  of  exploration  and  of  ex- 
panding commercial  activity.  The  twofold  purpose  of  the 
founders  of  the  Company,  namely,  exploration  and  trade, 
had  been  kept  constantly  in  mind  and  had  been  prosecuted 
with  courage  and  persistence  in  the  face  of  great  diffi- 
culties. To  that  end  the  voyage  of  Chancellor  had  been 
followed  without  delay  by  the  development  of  the  Russian 
trade  and  particularly  at  the  same  time  by  a  series  of  voy- 
ages to  the  south  and  east  for  the  purpose  of  still  further 
extending  the  markets  for  English  goods  and  of  bringing 
the  English  merchants  in  touch  with  the  commodities  of 
the  East.  Between  1557  and  1581  seven  such  expeditions 
were  equipped  and  sent  out  under  the  authority  of  the 
Company,  the  first  one  striking  boldly  for  Cathay  along 
the  line  of  the  northernmost  of  the  great  medieval  trade 
routes,  while  the  later  ones  settled  down  to  the  somewhat 
less  ambitious  project  of  developing  the  Persian  trade 
and  thereby  opening  the  way  to  Ormuz  and  India.  AVitli 
the  history  of  these  expeditions  in  mind  it  is  now  possible 
in  a  concluding  chapter  to  notice  the  more  important 
points  concerning  the  movement  as  a  whole.  Among  these 
probably  the  most  significant  are  the  extent  and  value  of 
the  actual  achievements  of  the  English  factors,  the  charac- 
ter and  possibilities  of  the  Persian  trade  and  the  method 
of  conducting  it,  the  extent  of  the  indebtedness  to  Russia, 
and  finally  the  reasons  for  the  failure  to  establish  such  an 
overland  trade  with  Asia. 

195 


196  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

Persia  should  not  be  regarded  as  an  inaccessible  coun- 
try, as  it  may  easily  be  approached  either  from  the  north 
or  from  the  south.  Though  Englishmen  have  made  use 
of  the  Persian  Gulf  route  since  early  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  the  earliest  approach  as  has  been  seen  was  by 
way  of  the  Caspian  Sea.  It  has  also  been  pointed  out 
how  the  English  merchants  had  been  brought  in  touch  with 
Astrakhan  and  the  Caspian  by  combining  the  newly  dis- 
covered sea  route  to  the  White  Sea  with  the  inland  water- 
ways of  Russia.  The  Caspian  Sea  in  turn  afforded  com- 
paratively easy  communication  with  the  caravan  routes 
eastward  towards  Bokhara  or  with  the  maritime  provinces 
of  northern  Persia,  and  thus  the  Muscovy  Company  was 
enabled  to  tap  the  resources  of  the  East  independently  of 
the  Spanish  or  Portuguese  routes.  Such  at  least  was  the 
hope  of  the  English  traders,  and  it  was  only  by  the  suc- 
cessive expeditions  and  their  accompanying  misfortunes 
that  they  were  made  fully  to  realize  the  almost  insuperable 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  its  attainment.  But  meanwhile 
the  merchants  and  their  factors  persevered,  believing  that 
success  was  near  and  that  they  would  divert  the  commerce 
of  Persia  from  the  Turks,  Venetians,  and  Portuguese. 

Unfortunately,  however,  this  magnificent  plan  fell  far 
short  of  actual  accomplishment.  When  Jenkinson's  first 
voyage  proved  the  futility  of  the  central  Asian  route  to 
Cathay,  the  Muscovy  Company  turned  at  once  to  a  sec- 
ond possible  line  of  advance  to  the  East,  and  with  vary- 
ing degrees  of  success  Jenkinson  and  his  successors  strove 
to  make  Persia  a  basis  of  further  advance  as  Russia  had 
been  before.  Luckily  for  the  merchants  they  were  permit- 
ted to  make  Shemakha  a  starting  point  for  expeditions  to 
the  interior  very  much  as  they  had  made  use  of  Kholmo- 
gory  for  Russia  itself.  When  they  proceeded  to  Kazvin 
they  met  at  first  ^vith  rebuff,  but  later  they  gained  the 
favor  of  the  Shah  and  received  from  him  several  grants 


STRENGTH  AND  WEAKNESS  197 

of  trading  privileges.  From  Shemakha  and  Kazvin  their 
activities  spread  to  various  other  commercial  centers, 
though  they  confined  themselves  mostly  to  the  region  im- 
mediately to  the  west  and  southwest  of  the  lower  Caspian, 
that  is,  between  the  towns  of  Shemakha,  Tabriz,  and  Kaz- 
^1n.  Kashan,  visited  by  Duckett  in  1572,  marks  the 
greatest  advance  to  the  southward.  Though  it  is  some- 
^vliat  surprising  that  the  sphere  of  their  activities  was  not 
greater,  especially  in  view  of  the  boldness  and  scope  of  the 
earliest  voyages,  still  it  should  be  remembered  that  the 
cities  named  above  had  more  or  less  widely  extended  trade 
connections  and  thus  the  significance  of  the  Russo-Caspian 
loute  should  not  be  measured  by  the  nominal  limits  of  the 
English  voyages.  And  besides,  in  addition  to  the  need  of 
developing  a  new  base,  the  opening  up  of  this  region  in  the 
c<)urse  of  a  few  years  was  in  itself  no  mean  achievement 
and  will  stand  comparison  with  the  progress  made  else- 
where during  the  Elizabethan  era. 

The  fact  remains,  however,  that  the  Muscovy  merchants 
failed  in  their  endeavor  to  establish  overland  connections 
with  the  Persian  Gulf  and  India.  Though  for  a  time  it 
seemed  as  if  their  hopes  would  be  realized,  the  refusal  of 
the  Shah  to  permit  Bannister  to  proceed  to  India  practi- 
cally marked  the  end  of  the  movement  in  that  direction. 
Meanwhile,  the  factors  had  continued  their  efforts  in  Persia 
itself,  and  it  is  in  the  opportunities  of  the  Persian  trade 
that  one  must  look  for  the  chief  element  of  strength  in  the 
expeditions  into  western  Asia. 

As  viewed  by  the  Muscovy  Company  the  possibilities  of 
the  Persian  trade  were  twofold ;  on  the  one  hand  the  mar- 
kets of  that  country  were  expected  to  supply  an  outlet  for 
English  cloth  and  other  wares,  while  on  the  other  hand  the 
highly  prized  commodities  of  Asia  were  to  be  furnished  to 
western  Europe  by  the  English  merchants.  It  is  very  no- 
ticeable that  through  all  the  accounts  of  the  voyages  it  is 


198  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

English  cloth,  especially  kersies,  that  formed  the  staple 
article  of  the  Persian  trade  and  often  nothing  else  is  men- 
tioned. The  charter  granted  the  Muscovy  Company  in 
1566,  apparently  taking  for  granted  that  cloth  was  the  one 
important  English  export,  provided  for  the  further  en- 
couragement of  the  industry  by  declaring  that  no  one 
should  take  out  of  England  "any  maner  of  cloths  or  kar- 
sies"  for  the  lands  to  which  the  Company  traded  unless 
the  same  had  been  dressed  and  for  the  most  part  dyed 
A\-ithin  the  realm. ^  From  these  facts  it  is  clear  that  the 
Persian  venture  is  merely  representative  of  the  character- 
istic features  of  Elizabethan  trade  as  a  whole.  However, 
the  lists  of  wares  desired  for  the  Persian  market,  such  as 
those  sent  by  Edwards,  make  mention  of  various  other 
commodities  as  well.^ 

From  the  other  side  the  success  of  the  Persian  venture 
depended  upon  the  resources  and  commercial  possibilities 
of  that  and  of  neighboring  countries.  At  that  time  the 
chief  cities  of  Persia  were  Shemakha,  Arrash,  Ardebil,  Ta- 
briz, Kazvin,  and  Kashan,  alread}'  mentioned,  together 
with  Meshed  and  Herat  further  to  the  east  and  Yezd  in 
central  Persia.^  Besides,  Ormuz  should  be  mentioned, 
though  not  a  part  of  Persia,  because  it  had  important  trade 
relations  with  that  country  just  as  Aleppo  did  to  the  west- 
ward. The  immediate  interest,  however,  is  with  that 
group  of  cities  to  the  northwest,  along  the  coast  of  and  in- 
land from  the  Caspian  Sea,  that  is,  the  region  already 
mentioned  as  indicating  the  extent  of  English  acti\ity. 
This  region  may  be  said  to  correspond  roughly  with  the 
provinces  of  Shirvan,  Azerbaijan,  Ghilan,  and  Kasvin,  and 
with  Mazanderan  it  embraced  the  most  important  silk- 
producing  sections  of  Persia.* 

1  Hakluyt,  III,  90. 

2  Ibid.,  Ill,  53,  66,  67. 

3  Ihid..  in,  35. 

*  The  best  map  of  Persia  is  probably  that  in  Curzon,  Persia,  VoL 


STRENGTH  AND  WEAKNESS  199 

That  these  provinces  offered  a  fair  variety  of  commodi- 
ties is  shown  by  the  accounts  of  the  various  factors  and 
by  travelers  who  have  described  the  resources  of  the  coun- 
try.^ But  after  all  the  greatest  importance  seems  to  have 
been  attached  to  the  spices  and  drugs  that  came  from  In- 
dia by  way  of  Ormuz  and  to  the  alum,  dye-stuffs,  and  raw 
silks  of  the  northern  Persian  provinces.  Upon  these,  and 
especially  upon  the  silk  trade,  depended  the  prospect  of  a 
permanent  and  profitable  conmieree  and  the  hope  of  rival- 
ing the  Venetians  and  Turks  and  the  Portuguese.  It  was 
the  silk  trade,  mentioned  by  Marco  Polo  ^  and  many  later 
travelers,  that  urged  on  the  English  traders  and  later 
became  the  object  of  rivalry  between  English,  Dutch,  and 
Russian  merchants.  Furthermore,  additional  strength  w^as 
given  to  the  Persian  venture  by  the  ever-present  possibility 
of  establishing  direct  trading  relations  -w^th  the  merchants 
of  India,  especially  for  the  drugs  and  spices  so  much  de- 
sired by  the  Company.  In  passing  judgment  on  the  Per- 
sian trade  as  a  whole,  Jenkinson  was  inclined  to  be  rather 
conservative,^  Chapman  was  ven,"  critical,  and  Edwards 
was  remarkabh'-  enthusiastic  and  retained  his  enthusiasm 
through  at  least  two  expeditions  into  that  countrJ^  Per- 
haps the  latter  did  not  sufficiently  distinguish  between 
actual  conditions  and  hopes  for  the  future,  and  yet  the  gen- 
eral impression  one  derives  from  the  whole  movement  is 
that  Pereia  did  offer  good  opportunities  for  trade  and  that 
in  spite  of  serious  disadvantages  the  English  merchants 
might  have  been  reasonably  successful  in  their  undertaking 
if  commercial  considerations  alone  had  determined  the  mat- 

I,    end.     Shirvan    corresponds    to    the    present   Russian    province    of 
Baku,  but  at  tliat  time  it  extended  as  far  as  Derbend. 

5  For  a  list  of  travelers  to  Persia  from  early  times  down,  see 
Curzon,  Persia,  I,  16-18.  Ample  biblioojaphies  for  the  different 
provinces  are  given  in  connection  with  the  various  chapters. 

6  Yule,  Marco  Polo,  51. 

7  Hakluyt,   II,   474,  478. 


200  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

ter.  On  the  whole,  perhaps,  the  estimate  of  the  trade  that 
has  been  given  in  connection  with  the  expedition  of  Ban- 
nister and  Duckett  will  serve  in  a  measure  at  least  as  a  gen- 
eral statement  of  the  case  for  the  entire  series  of  voyages.® 

In  all  essential  features  the  Persian  trade  seems  to  have 
been  organized  and  conducted  in  the  same  way  as  that  of 
Russia  and  usually  in  close  conjunction  with  it.  The  fac- 
tors and  merchandise  for  Persia  were  brought  to  St.  Nicho- 
las by  the  usual  Russian  fleet  sent  out  in  the  spring  or 
early  summer,  and  instructions  were  issued  which  applied 
both  to  the  Russian  and  the  Persian  voyages.  The  latter 
voyages  nevertheless  were  apparently  regarded  as  entirely 
separate  expeditions,  though  in  some  degree  under  the  su- 
pervision of  the  agent  of  the  Company  in  Russia,  especially 
in  case  the  English  merchants  themselves  did  not  assume 
authority.  It  would  be  a  mistake,  however,  to  consider  this 
agent  as  being  in  full  control,  as  there  was  always  a  chief 
factor  for  Persia  just  as  there  was  for  Russia.  Sometimes 
the  appointment  of  the  Persian  factors  was  left  to  the  Rus- 
sian agent  or  to  a  special  representative  of  the  Company, 
but  usually  the  merchants  themselves  designated  the  men 
to  lead  their  ventures  over  the  Caspian  Sea,  and  especially 
is  this  true  of  the  more  important  voyages,  which  were  or- 
ganized and  sent  out  from  England  itself.  Of  at  least 
equal  significance  is  the  fact  that  the  letters  and  reports 
were  sent  by  the  Persian  agents  directly  to  the  Company 
itself  and  not  to  the  Russian  agents.  Furthermore,  the 
Company  insisted  that  separate  accounts  be  kept  for  the 
two  countries.  Thus,  on  the  whole  it  may  be  said  that  the 
direction  and  control  of  these  voyages  resided  in  the  offi- 
cials in  London,  and  so  was  practically  independent  of  the 
organization  in  Russia,  though  making  use  of  it  in  the  fur- 
therance of  the  trans-Caspian  trade. 

From  St.  Nicholas  the  merchandise  for  Persia  was  trans- 

8  Ante,   p.    181. 


STRENGTH  AND  WEAKNESS  201 

ported  to  Jaroslav,  which,  on  account  of  its  nearness  to 
Vologda  and  its  situation  on  the  Volga,  became  the  point 
of  final  preparation  and  departure  for  all  the  expeditions 
after  the  first.  At  this  place  w^ere  collected  the  wares 
from  England,  from  Vologda,  or  from  Moscow,  that  were 
considered  desirable  for  the  voyage,  together  with  pro- 
visions and  other  necessary  supplies.  When  once  in  Persia 
the  procedure  was  much  the  same  as  in  Russia.  Usually 
the  factors  separated  for  the  better  carrying  on  of  the 
trade ;  part  of  the  merchandise  would  be  retained  at  She- 
makha for  that  and  the  Tabriz  markets,  while  the  rest 
would  be  taken  to  Kazvin,  some  sales  often  being  made 
along  the  way.  From  these  centers  other  places  were 
visited  in  the  effort  to  open  up  new  markets  for  the  Eng- 
lish cloths  or  to  purchase  raw  silk  and  other  desired  com- 
modities for  the  home  market.  Various  other  duties  fell  to 
the  lot  of  the  Persian  factor,  such  as  the  seeking  of  new 
privileges,  the  collection  of  debts,  the  collection  of  informa- 
tion in  regard  to  the  resources  of  neighboring  countries  or 
provinces,  and  the  guarding  of  English  interests  against 
Turkish  and  other  rivals.  The  wares  were  always  brought 
to  Shemakha  for  the  return  voyage. 

In  the  conduct  of  the  Persian  trade  certain  evils  and  dif- 
ficulties soon  made  themselves  felt.  Here,  as  was  the  case 
in  Russia,  discord  at  times  threatened  the  success  of  the  un- 
dertaking, due  either  to  the  character  and  mistakes  of  the 
leaders  or  to  the  jealousies  of  subordinates.  Another  great 
source  of  trouble  was  the  prevalent  evil  of  private  trading,** 
though  this  did  not  become  anything  like  as  serious  as  in 
Russia,  where  it  threatened  for  a  time  to  disrupt  the  Com- 
pany. Furthermore,  although  no  advantage  seems  to  have 
been  taken  of  the  fact,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  the 
Czar's  special  grant  of  privileges  to  Thomas  Glover  and 

9  Wright,  Queen  Elizabeth  and  Her  Times,  419;  Early  Voyages 
and   Travels,  II,  213;   ante,   155,   162,   173. 


202  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

his  associates  included  the  right  of  trading  to  Persia.^" 
Probably  the  most  persistent  difficulty  confronting  the  fac- 
tors was  that  of  collecting  the  debts  due  them  from  the 
sales  of  their  merchandise.  Some  debts  were  lost,  others 
were  compromised,  while  many  were  collected  only  wnth 
great  difficulty,  as  a  result  of  an  apparently  strong  effort 
on  the  part  of  the  Persian  to  escape  his  obligations. 
Though  the  Shah's  grant  of  privileges  met  this  situation, 
his  authority  does  not  seem  to  have  been  strong  enough  to 
make  it  thoroughly  effective.  Still  another  drawback  to 
the  trade  arose  from  the  fact  that  the  native  merchant 
might  in  the  end  repudiate  his  bargain.  The  unhealthy 
climate  of  northern  Persia  in  summer,  the  enmity  of  the 
]\Iohammedan  for  the  Christian,  the  danger  from  bands  of 
robbers,  the  lack  of  suitable  accommodations  and  of  whole- 
some food,  and  the  scarcitj^  and  poor  quality  of  the  water, 
all  these  added  to  the  difficulties  of  the  English  factor  be- 
yond the  Caspian  Sea. 

Before  leaving  the  subject  of  the  English  trade  in  Persia, 
one  may  well  delay  long  enough  to  emphasize  the  influence 
of  Russia  upon  the  movement.  That  its  success  and  its 
very  existence  depended  upon  the  good-will  of  the  Czar 
has  perhaps  been  made  sufficiently  clear.  But  it  should  be 
further  noted  that  the  debt  of  the  English  merchants  to 
the  Russian  ruler  goes  much  beyond  that  of  mere  acquies- 
cence in  their  trading  ventures  to  the  south  of  Astrakhan ; 
not  only  did  he  grant  them  freedom  of  passage  and  ex- 
clusive enjoyment  of  the  trade  to  Asia  but  also  through 
his  conquests  and  the  extension  of  his  authority  he  made 
the  route  possible  to  them.  Even  more  than  that,  the 
growing  influence  of  Russia  in  western  Asia  ^^  was  exerted 
in  behalf  of  these  foreign  traders.     It  was  always  consid- 

10  Cal.  S.  P.,  For.,  1566-1568,  pp.  492,  493. 

iiHakluyt,  II,  475,  478,  III,  33,  37;  Ramband,  Russia,  I,  75; 
ante,  140,  etc. 


STRENGTH  AND  WEAKNESS  203 

ered  necessary  to  get  letters  from  the  Czar  to  the  rulers 
of  the  lands  to  be  visited,  and  even  as  far  away  as  Bok- 
hara Jenkinson  is  found  placing  his  dependence  upon  such 
letters.  Though  this  protection  sometimes  proved  to  be 
slight,  still  there  was  little  else  to  fall  back  upon  except  the 
travelers'  own  resources. 

From  another  point  of  view  the  Russian  influence  may 
be  said  to  have  formed  the  basis  of  English  activities  in 
Asia.  In  addition  to  the  fact  that  it  was  the  knowledge 
gained  in  Russia  which  revealed  to  the  merchants  the  pos- 
sibility of  making  connections  ^^dtll  the  Asiatic  trade  routes, 
it  is  very  probable  that  Anthony  Jenkinson  in  both  of  his 
voyages  was  merely  following  in  the  track  of  other  traders 
to  and  from  Russia,  though  this  should  not  be  allowed  un- 
duly to  detract  from  the  boldness  of  his  achievement. 
Situated  advantageously  near  the  mouth  of  the  Volga,  As- 
trakhan was  and  for  a  long  time  had  been  a  sort  of  mart 
town  for  Asiatic  merchants,  w^hile  from  it  Russian  traders 
crossed  the  Caspian  Sea  for  merchandise.^-  Jenkinson  him- 
self, as  has  been  seen,  met  Persian  merchants  at  Astrakhan, 
and  somewhat  later  Giles  Fletcher  described  the  Russian 
trade  to  Persia  for  silks  and  other  commodities,  especially 
to  Derbend  and  Shemakha,  the  latter  of  which  he  calls  the 
staple  for  raw  silk.^^  Furthermore,  it  is  said  that  the 
people  of  Bokhara  trafficked  with  Moscow,  their  commodi- 
ties being  spices,  musk,  ambergris,  rhubarb  and  other 
drugs,  and  Siberian  furs."  Taken  in  this  connection  it 
was  very  significant  that  on  his  journey  to  Bokhara  Jenkin- 
son undoubtedly  followed  a  well  established  caravan  route 
in  company  with  Tartar  and  other  merchants.  It  is  quite 
reasonable  to  conclude,  therefore,  that  both  the  Bokhara 
and  the  Shemakha  routes  were  at  least  fairly  well  known 

12  Ilakluyt,  II,  473,  476;  Russe  Commonicealth,  in  Russia  at  Close 
of  Sixteenth  Century,  9G ;  Eden,  First  Three  Books  on  America,  314. 

13  Hakluyt,  II,  478;   Russe  Commonwealth,  96. 
"Hakluyt,  II,  427. 


204  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

in  Russia  and  that  this  information  furnished  the  starting 
point  for  further  advance  on  the  part  of  the  IMuscovy  Com- 
pany.^^ 

As  was  suggested  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter,  there 
were  elements  of  weakness  as  well  as  elements  of  strength 
in  the  Persian  venture.  With  the  latter  now  in  mind,  it 
is  desirable  to  consider  the  former  in  some  detail  in  order 
to  explain  the  ultimate  and  complete  failure  of  the  com- 
mercial advance  into  Asia.  In  following  the  history  of  the 
different  voyages  there  appeared  certain  phases  of  the  situ- 
ation which  seemed  to  make  the  advanced  position  of  the 
Muscovy  Company  a  very  difficult  one.  Among  these  may 
be  mentioned  the  absolute  dependence  of  the  merchants 
upon  the  favor  of  the  Shah  and  the  Czar,  the  competition 
that  everywhere  met  the  English  from  Tartar,  Turkish, 
Armenian,  and  Venetian  merchants,  and  finally,  the  great 
length,  complexity,  and  danger  of  the  route  that  had  been 
established.  Even  in  the  short  period  under  consideration 
these  aspects  of  the  movement  made  themselves  felt  in  a 
very  positive  way. 

Whenever  the  Shah  or  the  Czar  made  a  grant  of  privi- 
leges to  the  English  merchants,  it  was  done  voluntarily  and 
as  a  matter  of  favor,  and  thus  in  the  same  way  that  it  was 
made  it  might  suddenly  be  changed  or  abrogated  entirely. 
Therefore,  it  is  hardly  possible,  at  least  under  the  then  ex- 
isting conditions,  to  regard  such  grants  as  giving  a  suffi- 
ciently fixed  and  durable  basis  for  the  newl}^  developed 
English  commerce.  Perhaps  sufficient  proof  of  this  from 
both  the  Persian  and  the  Russian  side  has  been  given  in 
the  preceding  pages,  and  so  it  is  enough  to  recall  that  the 
whole  story  of  English  negotiations  with  the  Czar  centered 
around  this  danger  of  an  abrogation  of  privileges  and  that 

15  The  references  to  Russian  jealousy  of  the  English  merchants 
are  slight,  tlie  only  two  noted  being  Early  Voyages  and  Travels,  II, 
390,  and  Ibid.,  I,  introd.  CXII. 


STRENGTH  AND  WEAKNESS  205 

apparently  the  only  thing  that  saved  the  situation  was  the 
Czar's  military  necessities.  The  Czar's  good-will,  of 
course,  was  even  more  important  than  that  of  the  Shah,  as 
both  the  Russian  and  Persian  trade  depended  upon  it. 

Furthermore,  tlie  Persian  trade  had  to  be  conducted  in 
the  face  of  competition  from  long-established  and  resource- 
ful merchants,  and  the  letters  of  the  English  factors  con- 
tain many  references  to  these  competitors.  Apparently  the 
Turks  were  the  strongest,  because  of  their  control  of  the 
routes  leading  to  the  ]\Iediterranean  ports,  and  perhaps 
because  of  the  fact  that  the  Persians  were  their  fellow  re- 
ligionists. At  first  they  were  able  to  thwart  Jenkinson's 
plans,  but  later  a  change  in  the  Shah's  attitude  towards 
them  enabled  Arthur  Edwards  to  obtain  trading  privi- 
leges. Later  still,  together  with  the  Armenians  and  Vene- 
tians, they  were  found  trying  to  block  Bannister's  negotia- 
tions as  they  had  those  of  Jenkinson.  In  various  other 
ways  they  did  what  they  could  to  injure  the  English  posi- 
tion in  Persia.^*'  The  Armenians  also  were  strongly  in- 
trenched in  that  country;  the}^  brought  kersies  and  other 
cloths  from  Aleppo  or  were  supplied  with  them  in  their 
home  markets  by  Venetian  traders,  and,  as  has  been  seen, 
they  were  a  strong  factor  in  the  markets  of  Shemakha  and 
Tabriz.  Thus  by  way  of  the  Levant  both  Turks  and  Arme- 
nians were  supplied  bj''  the  Venetians  with  European 
and  perhaps  even  English  wares  and  passed  them  on  to  the 
Persians.  Arthur  Edwards,  for  instance,  found  that  con- 
siderable Venetian  cloth  Avas  sold  at  Kazvin.^^  But  possi- 
bly of  most  importance  are  the  indications  that  these  com- 
petitors were  probably  able  to  undersell  the  English  mer- 
chants or  pay  more  for  native  products.^®  It  may  be  added 
that  Edwards  clearly  recognized  that  the  MediteiTanean 

iGlIakluyt,  III,   141,  142. 

17  Ihid.,  Ill,  55. 

isybu/.,  II,  478,  III,  52,  G2,  63,  137,  142,  etc. 


206  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

was  shorter  than  the  Russian  route,  while  Jenkinson  from 
the  beginning  pointed  out  that  the  outlet  through  Syria 
was  a  serious  drawback  to  the  designs  of  the  Muscovy  Com- 
pany in  Persia.^"  Taking  all  these  facts  together  it  is  evi- 
dent that  the  existence  of  the  Levant  routes  should  be 
given  considerable  emphasis  as  an  element  of  weakness  in 
the  position  of  the  Muscovy  Company. 

Another  important  source  of  weakness  is  to  be  found  in 
the  character  of  the  route  upon  which  the  trade  depended. 
For  one  thing  its  great  length  and  complexity  should  be 
considered.  As  has  been  seen,  it  involved  the  sea  voyage 
around  the  North  Cape  to  St.  Nicholas,  thence  up  the 
Dwina  and  Sugana  in  boats  to  Vologda,  where  the  Com- 
pany had  one  of  its  factories,  and  from  there  overland  to 
Moscow  or  Jaroslav.  This  ended  the  first  great  stage  of 
the  journey,  as  at  Jaroslav  the  expeditions  were  finally 
fitted  out  for  Persia.  But  after  the  long  trip  down  the 
Volga  to  Astrakhan  some  further  preparations  were  also 
necessary  for  the  sea  voyage.  From  here  the  merchants  en- 
tered the  Caspian  and  sailed  southward  to  some  convenient 
port  in  Shirvan,  from  whence  the  merchandise  had  to  be 
transferred  by  caravan  to  Shemakha.  And  finally,  it  has 
been  seen  that  Shemakha  in  turn  became  the  point  of  de- 
parture for  all  expeditions  to  Kazvin  or  elsewhere  in  Per- 
sia. The  mere  description  of  the  route  makes  comment 
superfluous  as  regards  its  length  and  the  number  of  stops 
and  changes  that  were  necessary. 

Such  a  route  evidently  required  much  time  and  consid- 
erable expense.  The  earlier  stages  of  the  voyage  of  course 
were  the  same  as  those  for  the  Russian  trade.  It  seems 
that  at  least  from  one  to  two  months  was  needed  to  make 
the  trip  from  Gravesend  or  Harwich  to  St.  Nicholas,  the 
fleet  usually  sailing  in  IMay  or  June  and  reaching  port 
sometime  during  July.     The   journey   from  Kholmogory, 

isHakluyt,  II,   473,  478. 


STRENGTH  AND  WEAKNESS  207 

near  St.  Nicholas,  to  Jaroslav  or  ]\Ioseow  occupied  the  time 
from  late  in  July  to  the  latter  part  of  August  or  early 
September.  With  the  actual  Persian  voyage  from  Jaroslav 
to  Astrakhan  and  Shemakha  greater  differences  appear. 
For  example,  the  number  of  days  taken  up  by  the  voyage 
down  the  Volga  varied  from  twenty-eight  to  seventy-six, 
Mobile  from  Astrakhan  to  Shirvan  much  depended  upon 
propitious  conditions,  the  second  expedition  occupying  only 
nine  days,  though  the  most  of  them  took  three  weeks  or 
more.  Also  the  earlier  expeditions  left  Jaroslav  in  April 
or  May,  after  spending  the  winter  in  Russia,  while  the  last 
two  got  started  considerably  later  and  had  to  remain 
either  in  Astrakhan  or  Shemakha  for  the  following  winter. 
Several  days  were  usually  consumed  in  the  overland  jour- 
ney from  the  port  of  entry  to  Shemakha.  The  quickest 
voyage  of  all  was  that  of  Arthur  Edwards  in  1568,  which 
left  Jaroslav  in  July  and  landed  at  Bilbil  on  August  14. 
Usually  the  merchants  arrived  in  Shirvan  anywhere  from 
August  to  October.  Thus,  it  took  considerably  over  a  year 
to  make  the  voyage  from  England  to  Persia,  while  that 
from  Russia  to  Persia  could  hardly  be  made  with  any 
reasonable  expectation  of  being  able  to  return  the  same 
year. 

In  addition  to  its  length  and  complicated  character,  the 
route  was  subject  to  varioas  hazards  and  was  in  the  main 
quite  open  to  attack.  For  one  thing,  there  were  the  risks 
arising  from  the  navigation  of  the  Volga  and  the  danger 
from  storms  and  shoals  when  sailing  upon  the  Caspian.  If 
the  return  journey  were  delayed  too  long  there  was  the 
further  risk  of  being  caught  in  the  ice.  However,  greater 
actual  loss  was  suffered  at  the  hands  of  robbers,  fear  of 
whom  was  nearly  always  present  both  in  Persia  and  in 
southern  Russia  as  well  as  on  the  Caspian  Sea.  Of  these 
and  other  dangers  there  has  been  ample  illustration  in  the 
narratives  of  the  different  voyages,  and  undoubtedly  they 


208  TRADP]  IN  ASIA 

added  their  part  to  the  great  burden  laid  upon  the  trade 
by  the  character  of  the  route. 

The  disadvantages  of  the  Persian  venture  so  far  pointed 
out  were  very  real  and  important,  but  they  did  not  pre- 
clude the  possibility  that  the  Muscovy  Company  might  be 
able  to  cope  successfully  with  them  and  thus  bring  about  a 
reasonably  permanent  and  profitable  trade  with  the  coun- 
tries bordering  on  the  Caspian  Sea.  Moreover,  such  a  re- 
sult does  not  seem  at  all  improbable  when  one  considers 
how  much  the  Company  had  accomplished  in  Asia  in  the 
short  period  of  twelve  years  from  1561  to  1573.  And  be- 
sides, when  the  downfall  of  the  Persian  trade  came,  it  was 
not  due  primarily  to  any  of  the  influences  discussed  above, 
but  rather  to  changing  political  conditions  in  the  region 
of  the  Caspian  Sea,  on  both  the  Russian  and  the  Persian 
side,  which  were  rapidly  making  its  further  prosecution 
exceedingly  dangerous  and  in  fact  practically  impossible. 

Shortly  after  the  appearance  of  the  English  in  Russia 
Ivan  IV  had  reached  the  height  of  his  power,  but  soon  a 
great  change  came  over  him,  which  made  the  latter  part 
of  his  reign  as  great  a  failure  as  the  earlier  part  had  been 
a  success.  On  both  the  west  and  the  east  his  enemies 
pressed  him  so  closely  that  many  of  his  earlier  conquests 
were  lost,  while  at  home  his  people  were  alienated.  His 
struggle  with  the  Tartars  of  the  lower  Volga  continued 
throughout  the  period  of  the  Persian  voyages,  and  at  times 
it  threatened  serious  consequences  to  those  expeditions,  as 
has  been  shown  in  the  preceding  chapters.  As  long  as 
these  wars  continued  there  was  constant  danger  that  the 
line  of  communication  with  Persia  would  be  broken,  pos- 
sibly by  the  capture  of  Astrakhan  itself. 

As  bad  as  conditions  became  in  Russia  they  will  hardly 
compare  with  the  confusion  and  civil  strife  in  Persia  that 
followed  the  death  of  Shah  Tahmasp  in  1576.  Dynastic 
troubles   led   to  such   disorder  that   the  country   seemed 


STRENGTH  AND  WEAKNESS  209 

rapidly  disintegrating  as  a  result  of  the  weakness  of  the 
central  authority,  and  these  conditions  continued  for  sev- 
eral years,  that  is,  until  Abbas  the  Great  succeeded  in 
establishing  his  undisputed  sway.  ^Meanwhile,  the  ene- 
mies of  Persia  made  haste  to  take  advantage  of  the  situa- 
tion ;  the  Uzbeg  Tartars  again  poured  into  Khorassan, 
other  Tartar  tribes  entered  Shirv-an,  and  the  Turks  began 
to  prepare  for  a  renewal  of  their  struggle  with  the  rival 
Mohammedan  state.-" 

After  various  successes  in  1578  the  Turkish  army  took 
and  fortified  Tiflis  in  Georgia,  and  then  marched  towards 
Shirvan.  Entering  that  province  they  occupied  Shemakha 
and  Derbend  and  reduced  the  whole  region  to  submission. 
Following  the  withdrawal  of  the  main  Turkish  force,  how- 
ever, the  Persians  returned  and  regained  Shemakha,  whose 
inhabitants  thej^  punished  for  their  submission  by  destroy- 
ing their  city.  Thereupon  they  withdrew  to  Kazvin,  leav- 
ing the  Turks  in  possesion  of  Derbend  and  Baku.  When 
peace  was  concluded  in  1587  the  Turks  retained  these 
places,  together  with  Tabriz,  Arrash,  and  other  towns.-' 
It  was  this  advance  of  the  Turlcish  power  to  the  Caspian 
Sea  that  deprived  the  English  factors  of  their  base  of 
operations,  checked  the  expedition  of  1580  and  expelled  the 
merchants  from  the  country,  and  severed  the  line  of  com- 
munication between  England  and  Persia,  thus,  for  the  time 
being  at  least,  effectually  preventing  any  further  activity 
in  that  direction. ^- 

Iraportant  developments  along  other  lines  of  apprnjich 
to  the  coveted  trade  of  the   East  soon  made  the  further 

20  Malcolm,  Pcraia,  I,  3.33,338;  Iloworth,  MnnqoU,  IT,  730.  For 
internal  conditions  in  1.58(5  see  report  of  Ciovanni  Rattista  Vochictti 
to  the  Pope,  printed  in  Etu/lish  Historical  Review,  VIT,   314-321. 

21  Hakluyt,  III,  224,  234;  Knolles,  Historic  of  the  Turks,  37()-395, 
432. 

22  Camden,  An^inls  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  124;  Hanway,  Historical 
Account,  I,  6.  The  former  adds  as  a  second  cause  the  losses  through 
robbery. 


210  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

prosecution  of  the  Persian  trade  by  way  of  Russia  and  the 
Caspian  much  less  attractive  and  desirable  to  Englishmen. 
The  Turkey  or  Levant  Company,  founded  in  1581,  brought 
English  merchants  in  touch  -with  southern  Persia  and  In- 
dia by  a  more  direct  and  practicable  route  than  that  of  the 
Muscovy  Company.  Furthermore,  just  at  the  close  of  the 
century  the  foundation  of  the  East  India  Company  led  to 
the  successful  establishment  of  English  trade  in  the  East 
by  way  of  the  sea  and  made  the  southern  extremity  of  the 
Persian  Gulf  the  center  of  English  activity  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  Persian  trade,  while  the  northern  route  by 
way  of  the  Caspian  Sea  ultimately  fell  to  Russia.  Though 
they  had  failed  in  their  purpose,  the  factors  of  the  Mus- 
covy Company  are  worthy  of  remembrance  for  their 
struggle  of  twenty  years  to  found  such  an  Asiatic  trade. 
It  was  a  struggle  that  called  for  the  same  qualities  that 
Englishmen  were  showing  elsewhere  and  to  its  leaders  be- 
longs a  place  in  the  list  of  those  explorers  and  traders  who 
have  made  the  epoch  so  noteworthy. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

CONTEMPOBABY  SOUBCES 

Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Colonial  Series.  Edited  by  W.  Noel  Saints- 
bury,  by  the  Hon.  J.  W.  Fortesque,  and  by  C.  Headlam.  19 
vols.  London,  1860 . 

Domestic  Series,  of  the  Reigns  of  Edward  VI,  Mary,  Eliza- 
beth, and  James  I.  Edited  by  Robert  Lemon  and  by  Mary 
Anne  Everett  Green.     12  vols.  London,  1856-1872. 

Foreign  Series,  of  the  Reign  of  Elizabeth.     Edited  by  Rev. 

Joseph  St€venson,  by  Allan  James   Crosby,  and  by  Arthur 
John  Butler.     15  vols.  London,  1863-1907. 

A  considerable  number  of  documents  bearing  upon  the 
Persian  expeditions  are  given  in  these  Calendars,  but  most 
of  this  material  has  been  printed  in  full  in  the  collections 
named  below.  In  the  Colonial  Series  the  first  volume  for 
the  East  Indies  calendars  all  the  papers  on  the  subject  from 
the  Public  Record  Office,  the  British  Museum,  and  the  India 
Office.  The  letters  of  Bannister  and  Duckett  are  fully  ab- 
stracted in  the  Cal.  S.  P.  For.,  and  have  not  been  printed 
elsewhere. 

Eden,  Richard.  The  History  of  Travayle  in  the  West  and  East  In- 
dies. Arranged  and  augmented  by  Richard  Willes.  Lon- 
don, 1577. 

Eden  gives  a  brief  account  of  Jenkinson's  Persian  voyage, 
prints  the  privileges  granted  by  the  Shah  in  1566  and  1569, 
and  gives  some  further  information.  However,  the  chief 
contribution  is  Richard  Willes'  notes  on  the  fourth  voyage, 
which  were  later  printed  in  Hakluyt. 

Fletcher,  Dr.  Giles,  and  Horsey,  Sir  Jerome.  Russia  at  the  Close  of 
the  Sixteenth  Century.  Comprising  the  treatise,  "Of  the 
Russe  Commonicealth,"  by  Dr.  Giles  Fletcher  and  the  ^'Trav- 
els of  Sir  Jerome  Horsey."  Edited  by  Edward  A.  Bond. 
Hakluyt  Society   Publications.     London,    1856. 

Both  works  treat  of  the  period  following  that  under  con- 
sideration, but  they  furnish  some  points  of  information  on 
the  earlier  period.  Of  most  interest  is  the  memorial  of 
Michael  Lok  on  the  Russian  and  Persian  trade,  printed  in 
full  in  the  Introduction. 

Hakluyt,  Richard.  The  Principal  Navigations  Voyages  Traffiques 
d  Discoveries  of  the  English  Natioti  Made  by  Sea  or  Over- 
land to  the  Remote  and  Farthest  Distant  Quarters  of  the 
Earth  at  any  time  within  the  cotnpasse  of  these  1600  yeeres. 
12  vols.  Glasgow,  1903-1905. 
21X 


212  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

The  great  collection  of  Elizabethan  voyages,  indispensa- 
ble for  the  subject  in  hand,  as  we  are  dependent  upon  it 
for  most  of  the  narratives  of  the  Persian  expeditions  and 
for  other  important  material,  as,  for  example,  the  Parlia- 
mentary charter  of  15(56.  The  large  number  of  documents, 
letters,  and  descriptions,  made  use  of  in  this  account  of 
the  Muscovy  Company's  activities  in  Asia  is  fully  brought 
out  by  the  footnotes. 

Jenkinson,  Anthony,  and  Other  Englishmen.  Early  Voyages  and 
Travels  to  Ifttssia  and  Persia.  Edited  by  E.  Delmar  Mor- 
gan and  C.  H.  Coote.  Hakluji;  Society  Publications.  2 
vols.   London,   1886. 

While  primarily  giving  documents  illustrative  of  the 
life  and  travels  of  Anthony  Jenkinson,  these  volumes  also 
include  the  narratives  of  other  English  factors  who  were 
sent  to  Persia.  They  include  some  important  material  not 
found  in  Hakluyt,  and  form  the  fullest  and  best  collection 
for  the  study  of  the  voyages  into  western  Asia. 

Purchas,  Samuel.  Hakluytus  Posthumus  or  Purchas  His  Pilgrimes 
Contayning  a  History  of  the  World  in  »S'ea  Voyages  and  Land 
Travels  hy  Englishmen  and  others.  20  vols.  Glasgow,  1905- 
1907. 

Contains  some  material  already  printed  in  Hakluyt,  as, 
for  example,  the  account  of  Jenkinson's  first  voyage  and 
Christopher  Burrough's  notes  on  the  sixth  Persian  voyage. 

Queen  Elizabeth  and  Her  Times.  A  Series  of  Original  Letters,  se- 
lected from  the  inedited  Private  Correspondence  of  the  Lord 
Treasurer  Burghley  and  others.  Edited  by  Thomas  Wright. 
2  vols.  London,  1838. 

Contains  a  letter  of  William  Smith  to  James  Wodcoke 
(May  15,  1572),  which  gives  an  excellent  glimpse  of  the 
troubles  of  the  fifth  Persian  voyage  from  the  point  of  view 
of  the  factor  sent  to  Astrakhan  to  meet  the  expedition. 

Tolstoy,  George.  The  First  Forty  Years  of  Intercourse  between 
England  and  Russia.     St.  Petersburg,  1875. 

A  collection  of  documents  given  both  in  English  and  Rus- 
sian. Of  much  less  value  for  the  Persian  than  for  the 
Russian  activities  of  the  English  merchants,  but  indispen- 
sable for  the  study  of  Anglo-Russian  diplomatic  relations. 

Warner,  William.  Albion's  England.  London,  1602.  An  interest- 
ing metrical  account  of  Jenkinson's  travels  may  be  found 
in  this  work. 

MODERN   WORKS 

Anderson,  Adam.  An  Historical  and  Chronological  Deduction  of  the 
Origin  of  Commerce,    4  vols.     London,  1787-1789. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  213 

In  this  work  there  are  brief  and  scattered  references  to 
the  successive  voyages  to  Persia.  MacPherson,  Atmals  of 
Commerce,  merely  incorporates  for  this  period  the  work  of 
Anderson. 

Casimir,  Nicholas.  The  English  in  Muscovy  in  the  Hiaiteenth  Cen- 
tury. Transactions  of  the  Royal  Historical  Society  (Vol. 
VII).     London,   1878. 

A  fairly  good  account  of  the  diplomatic  relations  be- 
tween England  and  Russia,  made  up  largely  of  documentary 
material. 

Cawston,  Greorge,  and  Keane,  A.  H.  The  Early  Chartered  Com,- 
panies.     London  and   New   York,    1896. 

Very  brief  and  hardly  satisfactory  on  the  Persian  phase 
of  the  activities  of  the  Muscovy  Company. 

Curzon,  Hon.  George  N.  Persia  and  the  Persian  Question.  2  vols. 
London  and  New  York,    1892. 

These  volumes  contain  much  information  on  Persia. 
Chapter  XXIX,  Part  1,  briefly  sketches  the  Anglo-Persian 
trading  relations  from  their  beginnings  to  the  latter  part 
of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  map  and  the  bibliographies 
in  the  footnotes  are  most  useful. 

Dictionary  of  National  Biography.  Edited  by  Leslie  Stephen.  63 
vols.  3  vols,  supplement.     New  York,   1885-1901. 

Articles  on  Anthony  Jenkinson,  Thomas  Alcock,  and 
Christopher  Burrough. 

Hamel,  Joseph.  England  and  Russia.  Translated  by  J.  S.  Leigh. 
London,    1854. 

Of  value  for  the  period  it  covers,  but  its  value  is  much 
lessened  by  the  failure  to  give  references.  Its  allusions 
to  the  Persian  voj'ages  are  slight  and  only  incidental. 

Hanway,  Jonas.  An  Historical  Account  of  the  British  Trade  over 
the  Caspian  Sea.  Second  edition.  2  vols.  London,  1754. 
The  author  also  includes  an  account  of  his  travels  and 
a  historj'  of  the  revolutions  in  Persia,  especially  in  the 
eighteenth  century.  Though  dealing  with  a  period  later 
than  the  one  under  consideration,  this  work  discusses  in 
detail  some  of  the  same  difficulties  and  problems  that  con- 
fronted the  Elizabethan  traders  in  Persia,  and  thus  in- 
directly it  throws  considerable  light  on  the  earlier  move- 
ment. Hanway's  references  to  his  predecessors  are  neither 
extensive  nor  valuable. 

Howorth,  Henry  H.  History  of  the  Mongols  from  the  9th  to  the 
19th  Century.     Two   parts,   3   vols.     London,    1876-1880. 

Useful  for  the  history  of  the  Tartars  during  the  period 
of  the  Anglo-Persian  venture. 

Huntington,  Ellsworth.  The  Pulse  of  Asia.  Boston  and  New  York, 
1907. 


214  TRADE  IN  ASIA 

Chapter  XVII  gives  a  summary  of  the  arguments  and 
conclusions  regarding  the  Caspian  Sea  and  the  Oxus  River 
from  the  earliest  times  down.  This  chapter,  somewhat 
modified,  may  be  found  in  the  American  Geographical  So- 
ciety Bulletin,  vol.  39,  pp.  577-596,  under  the  title  "His- 
toric Fluctuations  of  the  Caspian  Sea."  These  geographical 
questions  have  a  close  connection  with  the  subject  of  Jen- 
kinson's  route  to  Bokhara. 
Jurien  de  la  Gravi^re,  J.  B.  E.  Les  Marins  de  ZFe  et  XVIe  Sidcle. 
2   vols.  Paris,    1879. 

Les    Marins    de    XF/e    Siicle.     R6vue    des    deux    Mondes. 

Paris,  1876. 

This  French  work  covers  in  detail  the  two  eastern  voy- 
ages of  Anthony  Jenkinson  as  well  as  the  earlier  work  of 
Cabot,  Chancellor  and  the  English  merchants  in  Russia. 
However,  it  merely  follows  Jenkinson's  own  account  of  these 
voyages  almost  without  variation  of  plan.  The  five  ar- 
ticles in  the  R6vue  cover  practically  the  same  ground  as  the 
book. 
Malcolm,  Sir  John.  The  History  of  Persia  from  the  Most  Early 
Period  to  the  Present  Time.  New  edition,  revised.  2  vols. 
London,  1829. 

Though  an  old  book,  Malcolm's  is  still  recognized  as  the 
best  history  of  Persia. 
Milton,  John.  A  Brief  History  of  Moscovia,  and  of  other  less  known 
Countries  lying  Eastward  of  Russia  as  far  as  Cathay. 
Gathered  from  the  Writings  of  Several  Eye-witnesses.  In 
Prose  Works    (Bell),  Vol.  V.     London,  1884. 

Though   based   upon   the    sources   indicated,    the   portions 
bearing  on   Persia  are   very   brief   and   annalistic   in   char- 
acter, and  do  not  give  much  idea  of  the  movement. 
Origin    and    Early   History    of    the    Russia    or    Muscovy    Company 
(The).     London,  1830. 

Compiled  from  Hakluyt  and  Purchas,  but  carelessly  done. 
Brief  and  of  little  value. 


English  Trade  in  the  Baltic  During 
the  Reign  of  Elizabeth 


Thesis  presented  to  the  Faculty  of  the  Graduate  School  of  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania  in  partial  fulfilment  of  the  requirements 
for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  1911. 


By  NEVA  RUTH  DEARDORFF,  Ph.D. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.     The  Elements  of  the  Eastland  Trade,   1550-1603      .      .      .219 

Introduction 219 

The   imports   from   the  East  Countries 221 

The  exports  from  England 230 

Obstacles    to    the    development    of    the    trade      .      .      .  233 

The  danger  of  the  voyage 234 

The    Danish-Swedish    War 235 

Competition   with   the  Hanse  Towns 239 

The  volume  of  the  trade 245 

II.  The  Eastland  Company 248 

Its  formation 248 

Its   organization 254 

Its   relations   with   the   government 273 

III.     The  Establishment  of  the  Eastland  Company  at  Elbing     .  280 

^  The    political    situation    in    Poland 287 

Early  negotiations  between  the  merchants  and  the  town 

of  Elbing 292 

The  mission  of  Rogers 295 

The  mission  of  Herbert 306 

Settlement  of  points  in  dispute 308 

Conclusion 326 

Appendi.K 329 

Bibliographical  Notes 331 


ENGLISH  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC  DURING  THE 
REIGN  OF  ELIZABETH 

CHAPTER  I 

THE    ELEMENTS    OP   THE   EASTLAND    TRADE,    1550-1603. 

By  the  middle  years  of  the  sixteenth  century  England 
had  already  entered  upon  a  period  of  marked  commercial 
expansion.  By  that  time  the  English  nation  had  become 
conscious  of  distinct  commercial  desires  and  ambitions. 
Englishmen  talked  of  the  trade  of  England  and  compared 
it  with  that  of  other  national  states  in  existence  at  that 
time.  They  were  eager  to  advance  their  economic  inter- 
ests. But  in  entering  the  race  for  economic  power  they 
were  handicapped  in  many  ways.  On  account  of  the  leth- 
argy in  these  matters  which  had  characterized  the  gen- 
erations just  preceding  them,  they  now  found  themselves 
circumscribed  by  rather  narrow  territorial  limits.  Lack  of 
exact  geographical  knowledge  seems  to  have  rendered 
North  America  only  a  somewhat  hazy  conception,  suggest- 
ing little  more  to  the  minds  of  the  early  Elizabethans  than 
the  chagrin  caused  by  finding  such  a  stubborn  barrier  ly- 
ing in  the  way  of  their  reaching  the  Indies  by  sailing  west. 
As  for  Spanish  America  as  a  place  in  which  to  develop  a 
settled  trade,  it  was  out  of  the  question.  It  took  a  bold 
Englishman  even  occasionally  to  break  through  the  Spanish 
monopoly  on  a  half  piratical  venture.  Portugal  was  do- 
ing her  best  to  hold  western  Africa  as  a  field  for  her  own 
exclusive  trade.  India  and  the  far  East  were  known  to 
Englishmen  only  through  the  accounts  of  men  of  other  na- 
tionalities until  far  into  Elizabeth's  reign  and  English 
commerce  with  that  country  belongs  to  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury. So  that,  so  far  as  opportunities  for  colonial  trade 
were  concerned,  the  outlook  must  have  seemed  far  from 
encouraging  to  the  Englishmen  of  1550. 

It  is  true  that  England  had  numerous   trade  connec- 

219 


220  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

tions  with  the  Netherlands,  France,  Spain  and  Portugal, 
but  these  countries  were  as  anxious  as  she  for  commercial 
supremacy.  Englishmen  could  scarcely  hope  to  establish 
themselves  so  firmly  or  to  make  themselves  so  indispensable 
to  these  nations  that  their  trade  would  flourish  in  spite  of 
political  and  religious  conflicts  and  in  the  face  of  local  jeal- 
ousy and  opposition.  The  Merchant  Adventurers,  the 
strongest  English  trade  organization  of  the  time,  could  hold 
its  position  in  Antwerp  but  a  few  years  after  it  became 
evident  that  England  and  Spain  would  eventually  take 
up  arms. 

But  there  were  places  where  the  English  merchants  of 
this  time  thought  they  saw  opportunities  for  trade.  A 
northeast  route  to  China  had  never  been  tried,  so  now  they 
decided  to  lose  no  more  time.  Growing  out  of  their  at- 
tempt to  find  such  a  route  came  the  opening  of  trade  with 
Russia.  And  then,  ever  keeping  the  goal  of  the  Orient 
before  their  eyes,  they  pressed  on  until  they  reached  Persia 
and  established  commercial  relations  between  England  and 
that  distant  land. 

Although  the  English  were  eagerly  taking  up  the  ' '  search 
of  newe  trades  ' '  ^  they  were  by  no  means  losing  sight  of  the 
possibilities  that  lay  in  certain  old  familiar  ones.  If  they 
had  failed  to  make  their  way  to  China  and  the  far  East, 
they  at  least  knew  the  Levant  where  they  could  tap  the 
flow  of  commerce  as  it  passed  along  the  ancient  trade  routes 
leading  from  eastern  Asia  to  the  Mediterranean.  They 
were  also  keenly  aware  of  the  rich  commercial  opportuni- 
ties offered  by  Germany.  There  the  Merchant  Adventur- 
ers could  depend  upon  the  lack  of  cohesion  among  the 
political  units  to  afford  them  a  chance  to  use  local  ambi- 
tions and  jealoiLsies  to  further  their  interests  and  secure 
protection  and  concessions  for  trade.     Besides  the  Levant 

1  Hakluyt,  Principal  Navigations,  Voyages,  Traffiques  and  Dis- 
coveries of  the  English  Nation,  Glasgow,  1903-1905,  II,  p.  240. 


EASTLAND  TRADE,  1550-1603  221 

and  Germany  there  still  remained  the  old  trading  connec- 
tion with  the  Baltic  countries,  Prussia,  Poland,  Livonia 
and  Esthonia — regions  known  in  England  at  this  time  as 
Eastland — and  it  is  this  trade  that  is  the  subject  of  our 
special  and  detailed  inquiry. 

In  considering  the  trade  between  two  countries  one  must 
inquire  into  the  productions  of  each  and  ascertain  whether 
either  produces  goods  likely  to  be  in  demand  in  the  other. 
Such  an  inquiry  directed  toward  the  Baltic  country  in  its 
relation  to  England  shows  that  the  former  region  yielded 
goods  of  vital  importance  to  the  English. 

Foremost  among  the  productions  of  Eastland  come  ship 
stores.  For  an  island  people  with  depleted  forests,  scarcely 
anything  outside  the  absolute  necessities  of  life  could  be  of 
greater  importance.  England 's  political  and  economic  sal- 
vation, then  as  later,  depended  upon  her  having  an  ade- 
quate navy.  But  for  much  of  the  material  out  of  which 
to  construct  the  ships  of  this  navy,  she  had  to  go  abroad. 
Since  the  resources  of  North  America  were  practically  un- 
known to  the  Englishmen  of  the  sixteenth  century,  almost 
the  only  place  from  which  they  could  procure  naval  sup- 
plies was  the  Baltic  countries.  In  1547  the  King  of  Eng- 
land dealt  with  the  Hanse  Towns  through  the  Steelyard 
"in  suche  merchandise  and  wares  as  his  Majeste  is  wonte 
as  the  case  requireth  to  have  owte  of  those  partes  for  the 
furniture  of  his  Navie,  as  cables,  mastes,  ankers,  pyche, 
flaxe  and  such  other"  to  the  value  of  50,000  crowns.^ 
During  the  years  1551,  1553  and  3554  the  Hansards  were 
bringing  pitch,  tar,  flax,  hemp  and  iron  into  England.^ 
The  next  year  the  English  were  evidently  engaged  in 
somewhat  extensive  trade  in  those  commodities,  for  in 
February  of  that  year  the  Privy  Council  wrote  to  the  Eng- 

^  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  New  Series,  London,  1800 — ,  II,  p.  61. 
3  Schanz,   Englische   Handclspolitik   gegen  Ende  des   Mittelalters, 
Leipzig,  1881,  I,  p.  223  note. 


222  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

lish  merchants  "being  presentlie  in  the  eitie  of  Dansick,  and 
thier  factours,  that  where  it  is  enfourmed  .  .  .  that 
dyvers  of  them  have  bought  upp  all  the  hempe  and  cable 
yarne  that  is  in  the  said  citie,  and  have  also  gotten  a 
graunte  of  all  the  rope  makers  there  to  spynne  for  them 
untill  midsomer  next,  they  are  charged  to  desiste  from 
thiese  thier  doinges  untill  suche  tyme  "William  AVatson, 
presently  sent  thither  to  make  provision  for  cable  for  the 
Queues  Majesties  Navye,  be  furnisshed  of  the  same."*  A 
few  years  later  (1558)  permission  was  given  by  Sigismund 
Augustus,  King  of  Poland,  to  this  same  "William  "Wat- 
son to  purchase  materials  in  Dantzig  for  her  IMajesty's 
Navy.'  In  the  next  decade  Thomas  Allen  was  sent  five 
times  to  Dantzig  for  this  purpose."  Indeed,  in  doing  this 
the  English  seem  to  have  been  only  following  the  tradi- 
tional line  of  trade  for  these  goods.  As  the  ofSciaLs  of 
the  Muscovy  Company  said  in  1564,  "suche  wares  haue 
beene  allwaies  brought  out  &  from  the  East  Seas  as  from 
Danske  and  other  places  adioyninge. "  ^ 

IIow  dependent  England  was  on  the  East  Countries  for 
naval  supplies  is  illustrated  by  a  letter,  dated  August  22, 
1568,*  sent  to  Cecil  by  Thomas  Bannister  and  Geoffrey 
Duckett.  In  this  communication  these  merchants  en- 
larged upon  the  advantages  that  were  to  be  gained  by  en- 
couraging the  Muscovy  Company;  and  among  these  advan- 
tages they  maintained  that  this  company  would  furnish 
the  Queen's  navy  with  cables,  cordage,  masts,  sails,  pitch 
and  tar  whereby  her  Grace  would  be  "delivered  out  of  the 
bondage  of  the  King  of  Denmark  and  the  town  of  Dant- 
zick."» 

4  A.  P.  C,  V,  p.  236. 

5  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Foreign,   1553-1558,  p.  375. 

«C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1561-1562,  p.  81;  Fortijfifth  Report  of  the  Deputy 
Keeper  of  the  Public  Records,  App.  II,  pp.  23-24. 

7  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  35,  f.  23. 

8  The  new  style  of  dating  has  been  used  in  this  essay. 
»C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1566-1568,  p.  518. 


EASTLAND  TRADE,  1550-1603  223 

In  the  year  1581  Thomas  Allen  was  again  engaged  in 
securing  naval  stores  in  the  East  Countries.^"  Some  years 
later  in  1590  his  purchases  there  must  have  been  some- 
what extensive,  for  he  mentions  having  advanced  £3000 
[$75,000  in  modern  values]  from  his  own  money  to  pur- 
chase masts.^^  In  the  same  year  Ralph  Querneby  and 
Robert  Savage  shipped  for  the  navy  Norwaj^  masts  cost- 
ing over  £337  [$8,000]. ^^  Apparently  the  Queen  pur- 
chased in  all  over  £5,600  [$130,000]  worth  of  cables,  masts 
and  oars  in  the  East  Parts  during  the  autumn  of  1589  and 
spring  of  1590.*^  In  fact  these  things  were  of  so  much 
importance  that  the  English  ambassador  at  the  Porte  per- 
suaded the  Sultan  to  postpone  an  attack  upon  Poland 
which  he  was  planning.  Understanding  that  "her  Maj- 
esty had  great  need  of  many  things  from  the  country' 
necessary  for  her  navy,  he  withdrew  his  force, 
though  he  was  assured  of  victory,  only  for  her  Majesty's 
sake,  who  received  great  thanks  from  the  King  of 
Poland."" 

In  the  latter  years  of  the  century  when  the  struggle 
with  Spain  had  gro^\^l  so  acute  and  so  much  depended  upon 
England's  power  on  the  sea,  it  became  still  more  impor- 
tant for  England  to  have  some  place  where  she  could  con- 
stantly repi^enish  her  supply  of  naval  stores.  The  situa- 
tion was  still  further  complicated  by  the  fact  that  Spain 
was  also  in  the  market  for  these  goods.  This  state  of  things 
is  reflected  in  the  Spanish  "advertisements"  of  Robert 
Savage  of  February,  1598.  At  that  time  he  wrote:  "Last 
year  I  disappointed  the  King  of  Spain's  factors  of 
24   great    masts    that    were    in    Dantzig,    18   of    which    I 


IOC.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1581-1500,  pp.  24  and  20. 
lie.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  ISSl-l.'iOO,  p.  701. 

12  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  233,  f.  81. 

13  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  225,  f.  62  and  Eliz.  233  f.  24. 

1*  Lodge,  lUustrntions  of  British  History,  London,  1838,  IT,  p.  414. 


224  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

brought  thither,  for  Her  Majesty,  but  the  rest  are  lying  at 
Dautzig. "  ^'^ 

At  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  East 
Countries  remained  the  principal  source  of  supply  for  this 
kind  of  goods.  Wheeler,  whose  "Treatise  of  Commerce" 
appeared  in  1601,  gives  a  list  of  all  the  goods  imported  into 
England  from  all  the  countries  with  which  she  had  trad- 
ing relations.  In  the  list  for  Eastland  the  ship  stores  are 
especially  conspicuous — flax,  hemp,  pitch,  tar,  deal-boards, 
oars,  cables  and  cable  yarn,  ropes  and  masts  for  ships.^**  In 
1603  James  I  appointed  Simeon  Furner  his  agent  in  the 
East  Countries  for  supplying  the  navy  with  "pitch,  tar, 
hemp,  flax,  oakum,  sailcloth,  cables,  ropes,  masts,  iron,  firs, 
deals,  etc."^^ 

We  can  hardly  over-estimate  the  importance  of  these 
goods  for  England  at  this  time.  These  were  the  instru- 
ments which  she  used  to  assure  her  position  in  relation 
to  the  other  powers,  particularly  Spain.  These  were  the 
tools  with  which  she  worked  in  laying  the  foundations  for 
two  of  the  greatest  elements  in  all  of  her  subsequent  his- 
tory, colonial  empire  and  its  complement,  power  on  the 
sea. 

Of  scarcely  less  importance  was  the  import  of  grain  from 
Eastland.  At  this  time  English  agriculture  was  still  in 
the  state  of  transition  from  tillage  in  open  fields  to  graz- 
ing in  enclosures.^®  This  occasioned  much  uncertainty  as 
to  the  grain  supply  and  the  countiy  was  haunted  through- 
out the  sixteenth  century  by  constant  apprehensions  of  a 
dearth.  In  such  a  condition  of  things  it  was  vastly  im- 
portant to  have  some  definite  place  to  which  to  go  in  order 

15  C.  S.  P.,  Dom.,   1598-1601,  p.  29. 

16  Wheeler,  A  Treatise  of  Commerce,  London,  1601,  p.  23. 

17  C.  S.  P.,  Dora.,  Add.,   1580-1625,  p.  423. 

18  Cheyney,  Social  Changes  in  England  in  the  Sixteenth  Century, 
Part  I,  Rural  Changes,  1895.  University  of  Pennsylvania  Publica- 
tions, Series  in  Philology,  Literature  and  Archeology,  IV,  No.  2. 


EASTLAND  TRADE,  1550-1603  225 

to  replenish  the  supply  of  bread  stuffs.  In  1551  (Febru- 
ary 8)  the  Privy  Council  wrote  to  Thomas  Watson  to 
provide  12,000  quarters  of  r>'e  and  4000  quarters  of 
wheat  "in  Estelande  or  Danske,  to  be  brought  into  this 
realme,  parte  for  the  Northe  Parties,  parte  to  London, 
Portesniouthe  and  the  South." '^  In  August,  1558,  Wil- 
liam Burnell  brought  to  London  300  quarters  of  wheat 
"w*^  he  broughte  and  pvydyd  in  dansyk  for  the  vse  of  the 
saide  cy tye " ;  -"  and  at  about  the  same  time  we  hear  of 
"Will"*  Frankelande  clotheworker  who  of  late  hathe 
brought  cc  quarters  of  wheate  oute  of  dansk  to  this  cyty. ' '  " 
In  November,  1562,  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  then  in  France, 
wrote  to  the  Queen  that  as  corn  was  likely  to  be 
very  dear  in  England  that  year,  there  might  be  some 
trouble,  especially  if  the  Papists  took  advantage  of  the 
situation.  He  advised  as  a  preventive  measure  that  she 
should  take  order  with  her  merchants  to  bring  from  Dant- 
zig  to  London  a  great  store  of  wheat  and  rye.--  In  April, 
1574,  w^e  hear  of  the  ' '  Shipps  of  corne  that  cometh  for  this 
cytie  out  of  Danske. ' '  "^  Indeed  we  can  have  little  doubt 
but  that  George  Liesemann,  a  Steelyard  merchant,  spoke 
the  truth  in  1579  when  he  said  that  certain  goods  i)roduced 
in  the  Eastland  were  indispensable  to  the  English.  This  was 
especially  the  case,  he  said,  "of  the  precious  grain,  of 
which,  it  is  true,  they  often  have  enough,  but  it  also  fre- 
quently happens  that  they  have  too  little,"  just  as  shortly 
before  there  would  have  been  a  great  riot  in  London  on 
account  of  the  scarcity  of  bread,  had  not  ships  soon  pro- 
cured a  supply  in  Prussia.^* 

IB  A.  P.   c,  in,   p.   202. 

■io  Records  at  the  Ouildhall  at  London,  Rppertory  13,  Pt.  11,  f.  529. 

21  R.  G.  L.,  Rt-pertory   13,  Pt.   II,  f.  520   b. 

22  C.  S.  P.,  For.,   1502,  p.  435. 

23  R.  G.  L.,  Rppertory   18,  f.  lf)l  b. 

24  Ehrenberg,   Hamburg    und    England    im    Zcitaltcr    dcr   Konigin 
Elizabeth,  Jena,  1890,  p.  150. 


226  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

The  last  twenty  years  of  Elizabeth's  reign  saw  several 
failures  of  crops  in  England.  In  1586  there  must  have 
been  a  serious  shortage  of  grain,  especially  in  the 
west  of  England,  if  we  can  rely  upon  an  unsigned 
document  in  which  there  is  a  discussion  of  the 
price  of  grain  for  that  year.  This  document  sets  forth 
that  "Duringe  the  moste  parte  of  this  somer  come  con- 
tinued at  greate  and  highe  prices,  notwithstandinge  all  the 
pollicie  and  consultacion  taken  against  the  same.  This  ex- 
treamitie  appeared  and  remayned  more  in  the  Countie  of 
Heref[ord]  and  the  forest  of  Deane  then  in  the  cittie  of 
Glouc.  and  other  partes  in  the  Countie  of  Glouc.  and  more 
in  the  Countie  of  Glouc.  then  in  any  other  schiere  adjoyn- 
inge  savinge  in  Bristoll,  where  for  a  space  they  were  harde 
and  distressed."  .  .  .  The  possible  suffering  was  alle- 
viated, however,  by  an  importation  of  grain  from  the  East. 
The  wnriter  of  this  document  continues,  "the  greate  plentie 
of  corne  that  came  to  London  from  Dannske,  Hamburge  and 
other  places  beyonde  the  seas  kept  downe  the  prices  and 
from  thence  good  store  came  to  Bristoll,  parte  wherof  waa 
gotten  hither  from  thence,  and  some  provision  was  made 
from  London  to  Glouc. "  ^^  In  this  year  we  hear  of  ' '  Wil- 
liam Gittens,  Edward  Longe  and  William  Colston  [who 
were]  retorning  from  Dansyke  with  corn."-®  The  need 
was  apparently  so  pressing  that  the  Privy  Council  gave 
permission  to  certain  merchants  of  Bristol  to  trade  into 
the  East  Parts  with  two  or  three  ships  and  to  return  with 
grain  only,  although  this  was  breaking  a  monopoly  of  that 
trade  which  they  had  granted  some  years  before.-'^  In 
connection  with  this  affair  the  Council  spoke  of  the  Baltic 
countries  as  "those  parts  beyonde  the  Seas  fromm  hence 

25  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  12th  Report,  App.  IX,  p.  459.  (The  MSS.  of 
the  Duke  of  Beaufort,  tlie  Earl  of  Donoughmore,  and  others.) 

26  A.  P.  C,  XIV,  p.  267. 

27  C,  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1581-1590,  p.  336. 


EASTLAND  TRADE,  1550-1603  227 

plentye  of  grayne  is  vsuallie  had."'®  The  municipal  au- 
thorities of  London  also  took  steps  to  see  that  grain  was 
brought  from  the  East  Parts  to  meet  the  demand  that  pre- 
vailed in  the  eity.*^ 

The  suffei'ing  in  1586  furnished  a  lesson  to  the  alder- 
men. The  next  year  when  a  scarcity  seemed  imminent 
they  ordered  that  a  conference  be  held  with  certain  East- 
land merchants  for  "a  newe  supplye  of  twentye  or  thrytye 
thowsand  quarters  of  wheate  and  Rye  for  the  Store  and 
provysyon  of  thys  cyttye. "  ^°  In  1589  Hugh  Offley,  one 
of  these  merchants,  found  in  London  a  market  for  2000 
quarters  of  "Eastland  Rye  good  sweete  and  merchaunt- 
table."" 

Although  England  did  not  send  any  great  armies  to  the 
Continent  in  this  period,  even  the  small  ones  which  she 
did  send  could  not  be  provisioned  from  home.  In  1590 
and  1591  the  English  garrisons  in  the  Low  Countries 
w^ere  provisioned  by  corn  purchased  either  there  or  at 
Dantzig.^^ 

"When  Bacon  wrote  in  1592  that  "whereas  England 
was  wont  to  be  fed  by  other  countries  from  the  East,  it 
now  sufficeth  to  feed  other  countries, "  ^^  he  was  describing 
a  condition  that  not  only  was  of  very  recent  origin  but 
was  also  destined  not  to  last  many  years.  In  1594  and 
1595  there  was  so  great  a  dearth  that  in  July  of  1594  the 
aldermen  of  London  ordered  that  3000  quarters  of  rye  and 
1000  quarters  of  wheate  be  brought  in  ^*  and  in  September 
of  1595  they  called  the  Eastland  merchants  before  them 

28  S.   P.,    Dom.,   Eliz.    190,   f.   60. 
20  R.  G.  L.,  Repertory  21,  f.  288  b. 

30  R.  G.  L.,  Repertory  21,  f.  303  b. 

31  R.   G.  L.,  Repertory  22.  f.   128  b. 

32  C.  S.  P.,  Dom.,   1591-1594,  p.   115. 

33  Spedding,  Life  and  Letters  of  Franeis  Bacon,  London,  18611868, 
I,  p.  158. 

34  R.  G.  L.,  Repertory  23,  ff.  257  and  262. 


228  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

and  "treated  with  them  to  make  provicion  of  som  com- 
petent quantity  of  wheat  and  Rye  to  bee  brought  from 
hence.^^  The  year  1596  saw  large  importations  of  grain 
into  England  from  the  Baltic  countries.  It  is  in  that  year 
that  we  hear  of  a  "great  arrival  of  Danske  rye"  at  New- 
castle,^® and  of  the  purchase,  by  the  city  of  London  of 
500  quarters  of  "Danske  wheat"  from  "John  Wilkes, 
m'"chaunttailor. "  ^'^  In  the  same  season  at  least  two  com- 
mittees of  aldermen  were  instructed  to  "conferr  w^*"  the 
m'"chaunts  trading  the  Easte  contreyes  for  provision  of 
come  to  be  brought  to  this  cittie  from  the  parts  beyonde 
the  Seas. "  ^^  As  a  result  of  some  of  the  contracts  made  at 
this  time,  we  find  that  in  the  following  spring  thirty-two 
merchants  brought  into  the  port  of  London  740  quarters 
of  wheat  and  19,405  quarters  of  rye.^*  Wheeler  in  1601 
mentions  corn  as  one  of  the  imports  from  the  Baltic  coun- 
tries *°  and  we  know  that  in  the  same  year  Roger  Clark 
brought  200  quarters  of  rye  from  Dantzig  to  London.*^ 
This  importation  of  grain  was  apparently  of  so  much  con- 
sequence that  in  1606  the  aldermen  of  London  considered 
the  question  of  applying  to  the  Privy  Council  "That  the 
English  merchants  trading  into  the  Eastlands  maye  bring 
into  this  kingdome  corne  out  of  those  countreys,  and  here 
to  kepe  a  staple  thereof. ' '  *^ 

A  trade  which  handled  goods  to  meet  a  need  so  primary 
as  this  of  grain  in  England,  must  have  seemed  then,  as  it 
does  now,  of  great  economic  importance. 

Besides  naval  stores  and  grain  the  East  Country  pro- 

35  R.  G.  L.,  Remembrancia  [printed],  II,  p.  104. 

36  Hist.  Mss.  Com.  Report  on  Hatfield  House  Mss.,  YJ,  p.   377. 

37  R.  G.  L.,  Repertory  24,  f.  39. 

38  R.  G.  L.,  Repertory  23,  flF.  571  b  and  573. 

39  C.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1595-1597,  p.  442. 

40  Wheeler,  p.  23. 

41  R.  G.  L.,  Repertory  25,  f.  262. 

42  R.  G.  L.,  Repertory  27,  f .  305  b. 


EASTLAND  TRADE,  1550-1603  229 

duced  other  things  which  England  wanted.  Among  these 
was  nitre.  Although  the  English  made  repeated  efforts  to 
manufacture  gunpowder  at  home  and  may  in  some  cases 
have  succeeded,  they  never  felt  independent  of  the  Conti- 
nent for  this  important  commodity.  In  1561  Gresham  was 
engaged  in  bringing  it  from  "Osterland"  to  England.*^ 
In  1581  "Sault  peter  and  gon-powlder"  are  mentioned 
among  the  Baltic  imports  "why eh  her  Ma"®  doth  vse  for 
her  higness  shippes."  **  The  importation  continued  and  by 
1591  it  must  have  been  considerable,  for  at  that  time  Johan 
Gerds,  a  servant  of  the  Duke  of  Pomerania,  informed 
Burghley  that  "The  said  Duke  lately  granted  free  export 
of  a  large  quantity  of  nitre  (the  export  of  which,  as  well 
as  of  munitions  of  war,  from  his  dominion  is  .  .  .  in- 
terdicted) because  he  was  informed  that  it  was  purchased 
for  the  use  of  the  Queen's  Majesty;"  ^^     .     .     . 

The  trade  in  nitre,  however,  was  a  matter  of  some  un- 
certainty because  of  the  widespread  demand  for  that  com- 
modity and  also  because  of  its  political  importance.  At 
times  the  English  could  not  be  sure  of  getting  it  even  from 
the  well-disposed  Duke  of  Poiuerania.  For  instance,  in  1595 
a  "  Mr.  Furner,  ...  a  merchant  of  London  .  .  . 
being  commanded  to  provide  100  lasts  of  saltpetre,  which 
he  undertook  to  deliver  within  six  months,  to  supply  the 
provisions  that  went  out  of  the  stores  for  the  Cadiz  voyage, 
could  not  perform  it,  as  the  Duke  of  Pomerland  would  not 
suffer  liis  country  to  be  weakened  of  a  matter  of  such 
strength  .  .  . "  ''^  But  in  general  the  supply  seems  to 
have  been  sufficient  to  warrant  its  being  included  in  a  list 
of  imports  from  Dantzig  compiled  by  the  customer,  Plump- 
ton,  in  the  last  years  of  Elizabeth's  reign,*^ 

*3C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1561-15G2,  pp.  1-2. 

44  S.  P.,  Doni.,  Eliz.   150,  No.  22. 

45  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Report  on  Hatfield  House  MSS.,  IV,  p.   165. 

46  C.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  15981001,  pp.  470-1. 

47  Lansdowne   110,  f.    157. 


230  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

The  East  Country  had  been  one  of  the  main  sources  of 
the  supply  of  bowstaves  for  England.  By  1574,  however, 
they  seem  not  to  have  been  especially  valued  there. 
"  These  are  not  worth  above  4  1.  or  5  1.  the  hundred  at 
most,  being  hollow  wood  and  full  of  sap  by  reason  of 
the  coldness  of  the  country."*^ 

Furs  are  repeatedly  mentioned  among  the  imports  from 
the  East  Country,  but  by  this  time  these  must  have  been 
only  of  minor  importance/® 

Wheeler  also  mentions  soap-ashes  as  one  of  the  imports 
from  the  Baltic. '"^  It  is  impossible  to  determine  how  great 
was  this  import  during  the  sixteenth  century,  but  later  it 
assumed  rather  large  proportions.  On  February  9,  1624, 
the  Eastland  merchants  declared  potash  to  be  a  fourth  part 
of  their  trade.  At  that  time  they  were  importing  £30,000 
worth  a  year.^^ 

Other  articles  brought  into  England  by  the  Eastland 
merchants  were  vitriol,  copperas  "  better  than  could  be 
produced  in  England,  "^^  stock-fish '^  and  as  Wheeler  says 
"  almost  whatsoever  is  made  or  groweth  in  the  East 
Countries. ' '  '^ 

And  now  we  must  look  upon  the  other  side  of  the  shield. 
What  had  England  to  offer  in  exchange  for  these  goods? 
Or  what  did  she  produce  for  which  she  might  be  seeking 
a  foreign  market?  An  investigation  of  this  point  shows 
that  woolen  textiles  were  England's  great  export  at  this 
time.  Instead  of  exporting  wool,  as  she  had  done  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  she  was  now  exporting  cloth.  In  1550  the 
Steelyard  merchants  exported  43,000  pieces.^*  At  the  be- 
ginning of   Elizabeth's  reign  the   Merchant   Adventurers 

48  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Report  on  Hatfield  House  MSS.,  II,  pp.  82-3. 

49  Wheeler,  p.  23;    S,   P.,   Dom.,   Eliz.   150,  Xo.   22. 

50  Wheeler,  p.  23. 

61  C.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1623-1625,  pp.   128  and  154. 
e2Sehanz,  I,  233  n.;  R.  G.  L.,  Remembrancia,  II,  p.  311. 
53  Wheeler,   p.  23.  04  Ehrenberg,  p.  51. 


EASTLAND  TRADE,  1550-1603  231 

were  sending  100,000  pieces  of  cloth  a  year  to  the  Conti- 
nent." In  the  years  1564  and  1565  England's  total  ex- 
port amounted  to  about  £1,000,000  of  which  wool  and  wool 
fells  composed  some  £92,000,  while  woolen  cloths  and  other 
woolen  wares  amounted  to  £896,000.^°  In  1601  Wheeler 
spoke  of  cloth  as  the  "  principallest  commodity  of  the 
realm"  ^^  and  the  "Credite  and  Creame  of  the  Land."'* 
That  the  English  used  cloth  as  an  export  to  Eastland 
there  is  abundant  proof.  In  September  of  1551  Sir  John 
Borthwick  "the  Kinges  Majesties  Agent  in  Danske"  was 
required  "to  further  the  realease  of  iiij'^'^xvj  [96] 
clothes  of  Thomas  Bannaster  of  London,  stayed  in  the  sayd 
towne. "  '^  In  1552  we  hear  of  the  * '  carseys ' '  belonging  to 
William  Lane  of  London  and  John  Baptist  Cavalcant, 
Florentine,  taken  by  the  IMarquis  of  Brandenburgh.^"  In 
1553  Thomas  Bannister  had  trouble  getting  cloths  through 
the  Sound."^  In  1558  when  Adolph,  the  Duke  of  Schleswig- 
Holstein  was  taking  an  interest  in  developing  trade  with 
England,  cloth  was  considered  the  main  article  of  export 
from  England.**-  A  document  of  the  year  1561  on  the 
sale  of  English  cloths  on  the  Continent  sets  forth  that  Suf- 
folk cloths  in  colors,  western  reds  and  blues  are  wholly 
consumed  in  Eastland,  Spain,  Portugal  and  Barbary.^' 
The  next  year  Eric  XIV  of  Sweden  requested  the  Queen 
to  grant  to  his  factors  the  privilege  of  buying  and  export- 
ing yearly  sufficient  cloth  for  clothing  his  retinue.®*     In 

55  Burgon,  The  Life  and  Times  of  Sir  Thomas  Oresham,  London, 
1839,  I,  p.   188. 

58  Ehrenberg,  p.  80. 
6T  Wheeler,  p.  55. 

58  Wheeler,  p.  62. 

59  A.  P.  C,  III,  p.  365. 

60  A.  P.  C,  IV,  pp.  74-75. 

01  C.  S.  P.,   For.,   15.53-1558,  p.   168. 

02  C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1558-1559,  p.  13. 

03  C.  S.  P.,  For.,   1560-1561,  p.  524. 
64  C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1562,  p.  412. 


232  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

15G4  the  Queen  instructed  the  Marquis  of  Winchester  to 
grant  licence  to  certain  persons  to  export  colored  cloths 
to  Dantzig.''^  In  the  next  year  in  a  letter  to  the  King  of 
Denmark,  the  Queen  remonstrated  with  that  monarch  for 
the  excessive  tolls  he  exacted  at  the  Sound.  In  this  remon- 
strance she  mentions  the  four  thalers  levied  on  each  piece 
of  English  cloth  as  the  greatest  hardship.""  That  same 
year  (1565)  the  Merchant  Adventurers  sent  in  to  the 
Privy  Council  a  memorial  on  the  condition  of  English 
trade  at  that  time.  In  this  they  spoke  of  "  suche  of  the 
said  commodities  as  are  to  be  spent  in  Media,  Russia  and 
Danswick,  and  by  easte  and  northeeaste  of  the  Sound,  may 
be  transported  dyrectly  to  those  places  ,  .  .  Those 
commodities,  beinge  the  greateste  parte  of  the  draperie  of 
this  realm,  wich  be  to  be  spent  in  Denmarke,  Swethyn, 
Pommerland,  Mechelbroughe  ' '  "^  etc.,  etc.  This  kind  of 
evidence  exists  for  practically  every  year  of  Elizabeth's 
reign. 

The  Eastland  trade  in  cloth  was  especially  lucrative  to 
the  English  merchants.  In  1573  Dr.  Valentine  Dale  had 
an  interview  with  Katherine  de  Medici  whose  son,  the 
Duke  of  Anjou,  had  just  been  elected  to  the  throne  of  Po- 
land, "whereupon  he  told  her  how  ancient  the  amity  had 
been  between  the  Queen's  [Elizabeth's]  progenitors  and 
the  subjects  of  Poland  and  .  .  ,  how  much  her  ships 
and  mariners  were  in  estimation  with  the  IMuscovite  and 
the  Kings  of  Denmark  and  Sweden,  and  what  riches  did 
come  of  the  staple  that  was  at  Dantzig  for  cloth.  ""^  On 
March  30,  1603,  Giovanni  Carlo  Scaramelli,  Venetian  Sec- 
retary in  England,  wrote  to  the  Doge  and  Senate  "  ... 
both  the  public  and  private  revenues  derive  great  profit 

65  C.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1547-1580,  p.  237. 

66  45th  Rep.  Dep.  Keeper  of  Rec.  App.  II,  p.  23. 

67  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove,  Relations  Politiques  de  Pays-Bas  et  de 
VAngleterre,  Brussels,  1882-1891,  IV,  p.  526. 

68  C.  S.  P.,  For.,   1572-1574,  p.   393. 


EASTLAND  TRADE,  1550-1603  233 

from  the  export  of  woollens,  tin,  lead,  etc.,  from  England 
to  Poland  and  Prussia ; "  °"     .     .     . 

Although  cloth  was  by  far  the  greatest  export  from  Eng- 
land to  Eastland,  it  was  not  the  only  one.  Cony  skins  were 
taken  thence,  apparently  in  large  numbers.  In  1565 
Thomas  Allen  took  four  ships  laden  with  them  and  cloth 
to  Dantzig  to  obtain  materials  for  the  Queen's  navy.^°  In 
the  latter  part  of  Elizabeth's  reign  we  hear  of  large  quan- 
tities of  them  being  sent  through  the  Sound,  as  many  as 
500,000  in  a  single  cargo."  Indeed,  when,  about  this 
time,  Elizabeth  gave  a  patent  to  two  of  her  gentle- 
men pensioners  for  the  sole  licence  to  export  conyskins,  the 
Eastland  merchants  protested  vigorously,  asserting  that 
the  trade  of  transporting  "conyskynnes  spetiallie  grey 
.  .  .  hathe  bene  a  great  trade  into  the  partes  of  Dan- 
sick  and  other  Cuntreys  beyond  the  Seas  and  diuerse  mer- 
chants her  Maiesties  true  and  lovinge  subiects  brought  vp 
therein."  ''- 

Other  articles  exported  by  the  English  to  this  region 
were  tin,^^  lead,''*  and  coals  from  Newcastle.'^* 

These  then  were  the  exports.  It  is  noticeable  that  the 
English  found  in  Eastland  a  market  for  every  kind  of 
goods  which  they  had  to  offer.'^ 

When  the  English  traders  in  the  early  years  of  Eliza- 
beth's reign  set  out  to  gain  control  of  the  Baltic  trade  they 

09  C.  S.  P.,  Venetian,   1592-1()03,  p.  556. 

70  45th  Rep.  Dep.  Keeper  of  Rec,  App.  II,  p.  23. 

71  Rynier,  Poedera,  Conventiones,  Literae  et  cujuscunque  generis 
Acta  Publica  inter  Reges  Angliae,  Hagae  Comitie  edition,  1742,  VII, 
Pt.  I,  203. 

72  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.,  2G5,  f.  67. 

73Ryiner,  Foedera,  VII,  Pt.  I,  p.  203;  C.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1595-1597, 
pp.  81-82;   C.  S.  P.,  Venetian,  1592-1603,  p.  556. 

74  C.  S.  P.,  For.,   1579-1580,  p.  263. 

75  A  list  of  all  of  England's  articles  of  export  in  the  last  decade 
of  Elizabeth's  reign  is  found  in  the  report  of  the  customer,  Plump- 
ton.     Lansdowne  110,  f.  158. 


234  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

were  confronted  with  certain  definite  problems,  certain  ob- 
stacles to  overcome.  Some  of  these  were  purely  physical, 
others  partook  of  an  economic  and  political  nature. 

Of  the  purely  physical  dangers,  the  most  important  was 
the  actual  peril  of  the  voyage.  To  go  from  London  to 
Dantzig,  Riga  or  Revel  with  a  sailing  vessel  was  no  easy 
feat.  It  meant  crossing  the  stormy  North  Sea,  following  a 
tortuous  course  through  the  Danish  Sound  or  ' '  Belt ' '  ^' 
and  after  that,  if  Riga  were  to  be  the  destination  "aboute 
a  thousande  myles  of  daungerous  saylynge."'^  Thomas 
North,  a  mariner,  writing  to  Walsingham  in  1582  about 
the  specific  dangers  of  passing  through  the  Sound,  relates 
"  ...  the  road  where  the  ships  lie  at  anchor  is  an 
open  road  with  an  easterly  wind,  and  with  a  west  or  nor' 
west  wind,  so  that  by  storm  from  these  two  parts,  many 
ships  are  cast  away,  to  the  great  loss  and  undoing  of  many 
merchants,  and  also  to  the  great  charge  of  both  merchants 
and  mariners  .  .  ."^*  Concerning  the  voyage  in  gen- 
eral he  declares,  ''  ...  the  voyage  is  as  perilous  into 
the  East  parts  as  any  that  is  traded  of  that  distance.  No, 
there  is  none  so  perilous,  but  that  it  is  traded  in  the  sum- 
mer time,  in  fair  weather,  yet  there  are  more  losses  on  that 
voyage  than  on  any  other  I  know. ' '  ^® 

Besides  this  purely  physical  danger,  the  Eastland  mer- 
chants had  to  face  a  problem  which  at  that  time  con- 
fronted all  traders  whose  business  required  the  transporta- 
tion of  goods  over  seas.     This  was  the  danger  from  pi- 

T6  The  voyage  could  be  made  in  about  a  fortnight  if  all  conditions 
were  favorable.  In  July  of  1573  Dr.  Valentine  Dale,  an  English 
representative  in  France,  in  reporting  an  audience  which  he  had 
with  Katherine  de  Medici,  relates  that  she  mentioned  to  him  that 
"at  Dieppe  she  did  see  a  ship  that  had  been  coming  from  Dantzig 
but   15   days"     .     .     .     C.   S.  P.,  For.,    1572-1574,   p.   393. 

'"  Richard  Eden,  The  First  Three  English  Books  on  America, 
Westminster,   1865,  p.   314. 

78  C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1581-1582,  p.  648. 

79  C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1581-1582,  p.  651. 


EASTLAND  TRADE,  1550-1603  235 

rates.  The  English  pirates,  with  which  the  sea  apparently 
abounded  at  this  time,  were  no  respecters  of  nationality, 
and  apparently  robbed  their  countrymen  with  no  more  com- 
punction than  they  felt  when  preying  upon  foreigners. 
But  they  were  not  the  only  pirates  on  the  sea.  In  1565 
the  Queen  wrote  to  Frederick  II  of  Denmark  in  the  interest 
of  a  certain  William  Peterson  who  had  been  despoiled  by 
Danes.®"  In  1570  the  "Danske  Freebooters"  came  out 
with  a  fleet  of  six  vessels  to  attack  the  English  vessels  bound 
for  "  the  Narve.  "®^  In  that  same  year  a  ship  called  the 
Philip  of  Sandwich  belonging  to  Philip  Lewes  was  cap- 
tured by  pirates  ®-  and  two  years  later  the  ship  of  Thomas 
Boldnes,  a  London  merchant,  was  also  taken.®^  In  1575 
the  Chnstopher  and  the  Flying  Hart,  two  vessels  freighted 
at  Dantzig  with  the  goods  of  English  merchants  were 
chased  by  pirates  but  were  rescued  by  the  Vice-Admiral  of 
Norfolk.®*  In  this  they  were  more  fortunate  than  the 
Thornhack,  a  ship  freighted  by  Alderman  Thomas  PuUison 
and  other  English  merchants  at  the  same  port.  This  ves- 
sel was  captured  by  pirates  "under  color  of  Commission 
from  the  Governour  of  the  Lowe  Countrey. ' '  ®^  This  was 
not  an  isolated  case  for  "diverse  other  shippes  laden  with 
Englishe  men's  wares  from  Danske  have  been  taken  and 
spoiled  under  colour  of  soche  Commissions  either  from  the 
Governour  or  the  Prince  of  Orenge. "®°  In  1592  we  hear 
of  a  Danish  pirate,  Hennison,  who,  by  the  capture  of  a  ship 
and  cargo  five  years  before,  had  caused  thirty-two  English- 
men to  suffer  loss.®" 

Closely  connected  with   the  danger  from  pirates  came 

80  C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1564-15G5,  p.  542. 
siHakluyt,   III,   p.    167. 

82  47th   Rep.    Dep.   Keeper   of   Rec,   App.,   p.   45. 

83  47th  Rep.  Dep.  Keeper  of  Rec,  App.,  p.  46. 

84  A.  P.   C,  IX,  pp.  29-30. 
80  Hid. 

86  A.  P.  C,  XXIII,  p.  334;  XXIV,  p.  90. 


236  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

the  friction  caased  by  the  Danish-Swedish  "War,  lasting 
from  1563  to  1570,  though  this  should  hardly  be  placed  in 
the  category  of  unmitigated  calamities.  In  fact,  it  need 
not  have  been  a  calamity  at  all,  had  not  the  English  yielded 
to  the  tempting  offers  of  the  Swedes  to  supply  them  with 
provisons  for  carrying  on  the  war.  Hardly  had  a  state 
of  hostilities  been  declared  by  Denmark  before  Eric  XIV 
of  Sweden  wrote  to  the  Queen  desiring  that  she  allow 
her  subjects  to  furnish  him  with  provisions  and  other  neces- 
saries "which  they  might  bring  to  the  ports  of  Halland 
or  West  Gothland. " ''^  To  comply  with  such  a  request 
would  have  been  a  breach  of  the  treaty  relations  which  ob- 
tained between  England  and  Denmark.  However,  the 
English  must  have  either  aided  the  Swedes  or  there  were 
very  strong  rumors  that  they  were  about  to  do  so,  for 
Frederick  II  of  Denmark  asked  her  to  prohibit  her  sub- 
jects from  carrying  provisions  into  Sweden.  The  Queen 
seemed  not  especially  zealous  in  her  efforts  to  prevent 
such  a  trade  so  that  when  she  replied  to  Frederick,  she 
promised  to  take  care  that  the  English  should  not  take 
provisions  to  supply  the  King  of  Sweden's  army  but  she 
declared  that  she  could  not  prohibit  them  from  carrying 
on  the  ordinary  traffic  with  that  country. ^^ 

The  bolder  spirits  of  the  time  seem  to  have  been  quite 
fascinated  by  the  trade  and  adventures  to  be  had  by  aiding 
Sweden.  Under  pretense  of  a  legitimate  trade  to  the  East 
Country  they  carried  supplies  to  that  countrj^  and  even 
occasionally  acted  as  spies.  In  156-1  Thomas  Valentine, 
while  carrying  letters  for  the  Queen  and  some  merchants 
into  Sweden,  used  the  opportunity  to  ascertain  the  plans 
of  the  King  of  Denmark  and  to  carry  them  to  the  enemy.®^ 

87  C.  S.  P.,  For.,   1563,  p.  568. 

88  C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1564-1565,  p.  124. 

89  45th  Rep.  Dep.  Keeper  of  Rec,  App.  II,  p.  23 ;  C.  S.  P.,  For., 
1564-1565,  p.  282. 


EASTLAND  TRADE,  1550-1603  237 

Denmark  soon  grew  very  impatient  of  these  acts  oE  hos- 
tility from  the  English  and  took  definite  steps  to  stop 
them.  In  January  of  1565  Albert  Knopper,  the  Danish 
ambassador,  brought  the  matter  to  the  Queen's  notice.  In 
a  memorial  addressed  to  her,  he  pointed  out  that  according 
to  the  treaty  made  between  King  John  of  Denmark  and 
Henry  VII  the  subjects  of  neither  prince  should  give  as- 
sistance to  the  enemies  of  the  other.  He  asserted  that  in 
the  preceding  summer  several  English  merchants  had  taken 
warlike  stores  into  Sweden.  He  then  announced  that  the 
Danish  King  had  chosen  as  a  remedy  for  this,  the  closing 
of  the  Baltic  navigation  for  a  season  "with  which  he  hopes 
the  Queen  will  not  be  offended,  considering  the  exigencies 
of  war.'""> 

This  threat  aroused  the  English  considerably.  They  main- 
tained that  if  the  Danes  closed  the  Baltic  it  would  be  a 
clear  violation  of  existing  treaties.  To  placate  the  Dane, 
the  Queen  promised  that  she  would  charge  her  subjects  to 
forbear  from  the  carriage  of  anj-  victuals  or  arms  "whereby 
there  might  be  any  suspicion  of  their  intention  to  aid 
either  the  King  of  Sweden  or  any  other.  ""^  She  sug- 
gested that  instead  of  closing  the  Sound,  he  should  exact 
pledges  from  the  merchants  that  they  would  not  carry  pro- 
visions or  warlike  stores  to  the  King  of  Sweden."-  The 
Queen's  promise  and  suggestion  were  unnecessarj-^  owing 
to  the  fact  that  Frederick  had  threatened  more  than  he 
was  either  able  or  willing  to  carry  out  just  at  that  time. 
Before  the  Queen's  letter  could  possibly  have  reached  him, 
he  wrote  that  he  would  open  "the  navigation  of  his  seas 
to  all  provided  that  they  do  not  carry  salt,  arms  or  similar 
merchandise  to  his  enemy.  ""^ 

00  C.  S.  P.,   For.,   1504-1565,  p.  279. 
81  Ibid. 

02  C.  S.  P.,  For.,   1564-1565,  p.   284. 

03  C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1564-1565,  p.  647. 


238  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

In  the  spring  of  that  same  year  (1565)  Eric  of  Sweden 
renewed  his  appeals  to  the  Queen  to  enjoin  her  subjects 
to  bring  provisions  and  munitions  into  those  parts  of  Nor- 
way where  his  army  was.  He  promised  that  they  should 
be  well  paid  for  their  efforts.^*  There  must  have  been  at 
least  some  response  on  the  part  of  the  English  to  this  in- 
vitation for  we  find  the  Danes  making  a  number  of  seiz- 
ures of  English  vessels  on  the  ground  that  they  were  aiding 
the  Swedes.  In  June,  1566,  they  captured  the  ship  of 
Gregory  Parmort  who  was  carrying  com  to  the  King  of 
Sweden.®^  Later  in  the  same  year  they  took  the  William 
Joanna  of  Plymouth,  a  vessel  belonging  to  John  and  Wil- 
liam Hawkins  which  they  found  in  Norway.^®  At  about 
the  same  time  they  seized  a  ship  called  the  Juliayina,  the 
property  of  an  Englishman  by  the  name  of  Clynton.^^  In 
1567  it  was  asserted  by  William  Peterson,  Thomas  Ban- 
nister and '*  other  the  merchaunts  of  this  .  .  .  Realme" 
that  within  the  year  preceding  "Dyvers  other  of  youre 
Ma*^**  subiects  have  bene  spoyled  of  their  shipps  and  goods 
and  their  boddyes  putt  to  Raunsone  by  the  Servytures  of 
the  sayd  kinge  of  Denmarke. ' '  ^^ 

Notwithstanding  the  grave  risks  of  seizure  by  Denmark 
which  they  incurred,  some  Englishmen  were  still  attracted 
to  this  trade.  In  March  of  1568  Frederick  wrote  to  Eliza- 
beth of  one  of  her  subjects,  taken  at  Elsburg  by  the  Danes 
and  afterAvard  liberated  on  parole,  who  had  then  joined 
the  Swedes  and  who  was  at  that  very  time  in  England  pre- 
paring vessels  for  his  enemies.  He  also  mentions  another 
of  her  subjects  who  was  engaged  in  the  same  kind  of 
enterprise.®®    In  the  following  year  we  hear  of  the  Mathew 

94  C.  S.  P.,  For.,   1564-1565,  p.  395. 

05  C.   S.   P.,   For.,   1566-1568,  p.   80. 

06  47th  Rep.  Dep.  Keeper  of  Rec,  App.,  p.  44. 
87  Ihid. 

08  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  44,  f.  59. 

80  C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1566-1568,  p.  430. 


EASTLAND  TRADE,  1550-1603  239 


of  Hull,  an  English  ship  seized  by  the  Danish  fleet  at 
Revel.^°° 

In  1570  the  war  came  to  a  close  and  trade  resumed  its 
normal  course. 

It  would  appear,  then,  that  the  English  did  suffer  losses 
and  inconvenience  and  even  came  near  being  cut  off  en- 
tirely from  the  Baltic  trade  through  the  closing  of  the 
!  Sound,  all  because  of  the  Danish-Swedish  War.  On  the 
other  hand,  their  hardships  were,  to  a  large  degree,  their 
own  fault  and  it  becomes  a  question  as  to  whether,  after 
all,  their  trade  was  not  quickened  and  animated  by  the  op- 
portunities afforded  by  the  war,  more  than  it  was  checked 
and  retarded  by  the  punitive  measures  of  Denmark. 

But  the  serious  trouble  which  confronted  the  English 
merchants  in  regard  to  the  Baltic  traffic  was  the  competi- 
tion of  the  Hanseatic  League.  For  a  long  period  the 
Hanse  merchants  had  absolutely  controlled  the  commerce 
of  the  "East  Seas."  "With  their  staple  at  London  they 
had  been  able  to  supply  the  English  wath  Baltic  products 
and  in  return  export  the  English  cloth.  The  entrance  of 
the  English  into  the  Baltic  trade  created  competition  for 
these  merchants  and  after  they  had  once  tasted  the  sweets 
of  monopoly  they  were  loath  to  give  up  their  advantage. 
Consequently  we  find  them  opposing  the  English  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  century  and  all  during  tlie 
sixteenth.  Although  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  made  with  the 
towns  by  Edward  IV  provided  for  reciprocal  privileges  for 
the  subjects  of  the  two  contracting  powers,  the  competi- 
tion of  the  English  seems  not  to  have  become  really  for- 
midable until  the  time  of  Edward  VI.  As  we  have  already 
seen,  the  English  merchants  at  that  time  prepared  to  enter 
the  lists  in  a  way  they  had  never  attempted  before.  But 
when  they  tried  to  build  up  trade  to  Eastland,  they  en- 
countered  the   determined   opposition   of   the    Hanse,   led 

100  47th  Rep.  Dep.  Keeper  of  Rec,  App.,  p.  45. 


240  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

by  Dantzig.  The  proclamation  of  Edward  VI  against  the 
Steelyard  sets  forth  that  the  treaty  of  reciprocity,  made 
in  the  time  of  Edward  IV  whereby  the  English  should 
have  similar  liberties  in  Prussia  and  other  places  of  the 
Hanse,  had  been  daily  broken,  especially  in  Dantzig,  by 
the  prohibition  of  Englishmen  to  buy  and  sell  there  and, 
though  various  requests  for  redress  of  such  wrongs  have 
been  made,  no  reformation  had  ensued.^*'^ 

After  the  English  government  had  followed  the  advice 
of  the  merchants  and  had  entered  upon  the  policy  of  sup- 
pressing the  Hanse  privileges,  Dantzig  grew  more  drastic 
in  her  measures  against  the  English  merchants.  By  1557 
the  situation  was  such  that  the  English  drew  up  "  A  Com- 
pendious declaration  of  such  Iniuries,  barbarous  vsances, 
and  vnfrendlie  behauio''*',  as  Hans  Brandes  Burrowm""  and 
other  naming  them  selves  lordes  of  the  Towne  of  Dansicke 
ministred,  shewed,  and  vnnaturallie  executed  in,  to  and 
vpon  the  m'"chauntes.  Owners,  masters,  and  marine's  of  Eng- 
land beinge  at  Dansick  in  the  monethes  of  Aprill,  Maye, 
June,  July  and  August  A°  1557. ' ' "-  The  English  mer- 
chants declared  that  all  of  the  English  ships  that  had  en- 
tered the  port  at  Dantzig  during  the  spring  of  1557  were, 
upon  their  arrival  and  unloading,  "comaunded  to  stay, 
not  to  departe  at  theire  own  will  and  libertie  (as  m'"chauntes 
ought  to  do)  w^'^out  expresse  and  spiall  licence  craued  and 
obteyned  of  the  said  Burro\^'masters. "  There  they  were 
held  until  June  19,  a  delay  which  caused  a  loss  of  £20,000 
[half  a  million  dollars  in  modem  values]  to  the  English 
merchants  and  mariners.  While  they  were  being  thus 
stayed,  these  Englishmen  were  mistreated  in  various  ways. 

101  Contemporary  translations  of  Edward's  decree  can  be  found  in 
Lappenberg,  UrkundJiche  Geschichte  des  Hansischen  Stahlhofes  zu 
London,  Hamburg,  1851,  p.  178  and  in  A.  P.  C,  III,  pp.  488-9. 

102  Lansdowne  170,  f.  214.  This  declaration  was  delivered  to  the 
Privy  Council  by  "  Mr.  Anthonye  Huse  Gouernof  of  the  Marchauntes 
Aduenturera." 


EASTLAND  TRADE,  1550-1603  241 

One  of  these  was  the  refusal  to  allow  them  to  purcliase 
bread  and  beer  within  the  town.  This  prohibition  resulted 
in  an  exorbitant  price  being  asked  by  persons  just  outside 
the  town  as  well  as  a  depreciation  in  the  quality  of  the 
goods.  The  severity  of  the  town  was  relaxed  only  when 
it  was  learned  that  the  English  were  planning  to  go  to 
another  town  where  the  Duke  of  Prussia  and  the  munici- 
pal authorities  had  granted  them  permission  to  load  what 
they  pleased."^ 

When  Elizabeth  came  to  the  throne  the  matter  was  in 
dispute.  A  few  weeks  after  her  accession,  Thomas  Gresham, 
the  foremost  financier  of  the  period,  pointed  out  to  her 
certain  measures  necessary  to  a  sound  financial  policy:  she 
should  reform  the  currency,  grant  as  few  licenses  as  she 
could,  contract  as  few  debts  abroad  as  possible,  keep  up 
her  credit  at  home  and  allow  no  special  privileges  to  the 
Steelyard.  On  the  question  of  the  Hanse  privileges  he 
set  forth,  "the  greatt  ffreedome  off  the  Stillyarde  and 
grantinge  of  licence  ffor  the  carringe  off  your  woll  and 
other  comodytes  ought  off  your  reallme,  which  is  nowe 
on  off  the  cheffest  pointes  thatt  your  majestic  hathe  to 
forsee  in  this  your  comon  well;  thatt  you  neavir  restore 
the  steydes  called  the  Stillyarde  againe  to  ther  privelydge, 
which  hath  bine  the  cheffest  poyntte  off  the  undoinge  off 
this  your  reallme.""*  Gresham 's  final  admonition  to  the 
new  sovereign  was  to  "  kepp  [up]  your  creditt,  and  spe- 
cially with  your  owne  merchants,  for  it  is  thaye  must  stand 
by  youe  att  all  eventes  in  your  necessity."  ^"^ 

Keeping  this  advice  in  mind  Elizabeth  set  out  to  settle 
the  differences  between  her  subjects  and  the  Hanses  and 
to  do  this  she  arranged  a  negotiation  to  be  held  in  London 
in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1560.     A  treaty  was  drawn 

losLansdowne  170,  ff.  201-203. 

104  Burgon,  I,  p.  484. 

105  Burgon,   I,   p.   486. 


242  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

up  which  granted  liberal  concessions  to  the  Hansards  in 
England  but  all  was  made  conditional  upon  the  grant  of 
equal  privileges  to  the  English  in  the  Hanse  To\mis.^''^ 
To  this  the  Hanse  refused  to  subscribe  "^  and  the  oppres- 
sion of  the  English  in  Dantzig  continued.  They  were 
"driven  to  show  openly  their  merchandise  one  day  in  the 
week,  and  then  to  sell  to  the  burgesses  of  that  town 
only.  "^"^  Furthermore  restrictions  were  placed  upon 
them  in  such  a  way  that  one  Englishman  could  not  there 
bargain  with  another  Englishman  "without  imprisonment 
or  penalties.""^  The  Merchant  Adventurers  maintained 
that  the  English  were  "used  more  ungratefully  than  any 
other  nation  that  repairs  thither  for  merchandise. ' '  ^^^ 

Later  in  this  decade  the  English  were  worsted  in  an  at- 
tempt to  force  Dantzig  to  award  justice  to  an  English 
subject.  In  1562  a  certain  "William  Marten  sent  his 
brother  to  Dantzig  to  collect  a  debt  for  which  his  father 
had  received  a  judgment  twenty-five  years  before.^^^  The 
brother,  armed  with  letters  from  Elizabeth  to  the  magis- 
trates of  Dantzig  and  to  the  King  of  Poland,  succeeded 
in  having  the  case  reopened.  But  he  got  no  farther.  From 
1562  to  1568  the  affair  hung  fire  with  many  "shiftes  and 
delayes.  "^"  Then  "William  Marten,  losing  patience  and 
fearing  for  the  life  of  his  brother  who,  it  was  later  as- 
serted "was  stryken  by  his  adersarye  in  place  of  Judg- 
ment in  the  p'"sence  of  the  .  .  .  maiestrats  and  no 
punyshment  Done  to  thoffendo""  for  the  same,  "^^^  ceased 
trying  to  obtain  justice  in  Dantzig,  recalled  his  brother 

106  C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1560-1561,  p.  214. 

107  Ehrenberg,  p.  58. 

108  C.  S.  P.,  Dom.,   Add.,   1547-1565,  p.  520. 

109  lUd. 

110  Ibid. 

111  The  whole  proceeding  of  William  Marten's  father  is  set  forth 
in  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  90,  f.  21. 

112  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  90,  f.  24. 
lis  Ibid, 


EASTLAND  TRADE,  1550-1603  243 

and  laid  his  case  before  the  English  authorities.  It  was 
examined  by  Dr.  Haddon,  Judge  of  the  Admiralty/^*  and 
soon  the  Alderman  of  the  Steelyard  was  Avarned  that  un- 
less justice  were  forthcoming  to  Marten  within  three  months 
"her  Ma''^  eoulde  not  Denye  the  said  ^larten  suche  remedye 
as  was  Due  to  hym  by  lawe. ' '  ^^^  This  warning  being  ig- 
nored by  Dantzig,  the  queen  granted  ]Marten  "aucthoritie 
to  staye  and  arreste  somoche  of  the  goods  of  the  maiestrats 
or  inhabitaunces  of  Danske  subiects  of  the  kinge  of  Pole 
as  myght  aunswere  the  said  Debte  of  1938"  15^  5"^  sterlinge 
w**^  all  expences  and  Damages,  w''*  a  proviso  nevertheles 
that  no  goods  arrested  should  be  soulde  or  Done  awaye 
During  the  space  of  six  monethes  from  the  arrest.  In  w'^'* 
tyme  the  maiestrats  of  Danske  might  compound  w***  the 
said  Marten.  And  if  they  Dyd  not  then  he  might  procead 
to  the  sajle  of  suche  shippes  as  were  vnder  arreste  for 
his  satysfaccon."  "®  Marten  seems  to  have  lost  no  time 
in  putting  into  operation  his  letters  patent. 

If  the  English  had  really  expected,  by  these  measures, 
to  force  Dantzig  to  alter  her  course,  they  were  doomed  to 
disappointment.  As  soon  as  the  magistrates  heard  of  the 
steps  taken  in  England,  instead  of  "compounding"  with 
Marten,  they  sent  letters  to  protest  to  the  Queen  against 
her  grant  of  arrest,  and  then  to  insure  their  fellow-citizens 
and  themselves  against  possible  losses,  they  seized  and  held 
all  the  English  ships  that  came  into  their  harbor.  The 
ships  proved  to  be  "as  well  of  London,  Xewcastell  [from 
which  place  there  were  eight  ^^^]  and  hull  as  of  other 
places."  ^^*  These  the  Dantzigers  held  until  an  answer 
came  from  the  Queen. 

This  seizure  of  the  English  ships  caused  such  financial 

114  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  90,  f.  24. 

115  Ibid. 
lie  Ibid. 

117  S,  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  47,  f.  26. 

118  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  47,  f.  63. 


244  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

distress  among  the  Eastland  merchants,  especially  those 
of  Newcastle,  that  Dr.  Lewes,  to  whom  the  matter  was 
referred,  advised  the  Privy  Council  to  induce  Marten  to 
relent  and  set  at  liberty  the  ships  and  goods  which  he  had 
staid  and  further  to  suspend  his  commission  for  a  time 
"vntill  sum  other  way  may  be  devised  ...  to  vnder- 
stand  his  matter  rightlye  and  soe  to  fynishe  the  same."  ^^^ 
But  Dr.  Lewes  also  considered  it  ''verye  harde  for  the  po"" 
man"  and  recommended  that  the  Council  ''take  order  that 
the  m'"chants  shall  satisfye  hym  for  his  necessarye  charges 
Defrayd  about  obteynynge  and  executing  of  the  Comis- 
sion  w*"*^  may  be  sum  relief  to  hym  and  no  great  burden 
to  them  beynge  so  many. ' '  ^-^  The  Council  followed  Dr. 
Lewes'  advice  and  "stayed  execution"  of  their  letters 
patent,  while  the  merchants  contributed  sixty  pounds  to 
Marten's  relief. ^^^  In  this  incident  the  "Danskers"  cer- 
tainly justified  their  reputation  for  high-handed  conduct 
in  dealing  with  the  English. 

But  by  the  end  of  the  sixties  the  scales  commenced  to 
tip  on  the  side  of  the  Queen's  merchants.  The  Hanseatie 
League,  once  so  powerful  and  so  autocratic,  had  begun 
to  show  unmistakable  signs  of  decay  and  disintegration. 
It  was  no  longer  able  to  hold  its  own  members  to  a  rigid 
adherence  to  its  principles.  And  without  such  integrity 
these  German  cities  could  not  possibly  hope  to  dictate  in 
commercial  affairs  to  the  vigorous  young  national  organiza- 
tions for  trade  which  were  appearing  at  this  time.  In 
1567  occurred  the  defection  of  Hamburg  from  the  prin- 
ciples and  policy  of  the  League.  The  Merchant  Adven- 
turers, energetic,  wealthy  and  well-organized,  were  given 
a  residence  and  extensive  privileges  there. ^^-    A  little  over 

119  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  47,  f.  81. 

120  lUd. 

121  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  90,  flf.  24-25. 

122  Ehrenberg,  p.  312. 


EASTLAND  TRADE,  1550-1603  245 

a  decade  later  the  towna  of  Elbing,  a  near  neighbor  of 
Dantzig,  granted  similar  rights  to  the  English  in  Prussia. 
These,  with  similar  lapses  on  the  part  of  other  towns,  left 
only  time  wanting  for  the  complete  triumph  of  the  Eng- 
lish and  the  rout  of  the  Easterlings.  By  the  end  of  the 
century  the  English  merchants  could  speak  of  the  Steel- 
yard as  the  institution  "vpon  whose  ruynes  we  were 
built.  "1-3 

The  question  arises  just  how  great  or  how  important 
was  this  trade  for  which  the  English  dared  the  perils  of 
the  sea  and  of  pirates  and  for  which  the  Easterlings  waged 
such  determined,  though  unavailing  warfare  against  them. 
We  have  already  seen  that  in  so  far  as  each  region  needed 
the  products  of  the  other,  there  was  the  basis  for  a  very 
substantial  trade  between  them.  But  the  point  of  the 
actual  bulk  of  the  trade  remains  to  be  considered.  Al- 
though it  is  impossible  to  obtain  exact  sta^tistieal  evi- 
dence, a  few  figures  have  come  down  to  us,  which  throw 
some  light  on  this  question.  In  the  spring  of  1557  during 
the  quarrel  between  the  Hanse  Towns  and  the  English, 
Dantzig,  as  has  been  seen,  adopted  the  strenuous  measure 
of  stopping  the  English  vessels  as  they  came  to  the  town. 
In  the  course  of  about  eight  weeks  over  fifty  ships  were 
thus  held.i^*  As  has  been  already  pointed  out  this  delay 
meant  the  loss  of  £20,000  to  the  English  mercliants  and 
mariners.i-^  It  would  seem  that  there  was  a  trade  of 
no  mean  proportion  at  the  very  beginning  of  our  period. 
As  time  went  on  and  the  Ilanse  lost  its  grip  on  the  situa- 
tion more  and  more,  we  find  the  English  trade  increasing. 
We  have  already  seen  how  in  1573  Dantzig  was  consid- 
ered a  ricli  staple  for  English  cloth.'-"  In  1581  it  was 
reported  by  John  Rogers,   the  English   agent  in  Poland, 

123  Sloane,  25,  f.  13. 

124  Laiisdowne   170,  f.  203. 

125  Lansdovvne   170,  f.  214. 

120  C.   S.  v.,   For.,   1572-1574,  f.   393. 


246  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

that  the  English  merchants  took  from  Elbing  to  the  mar- 
ket at  Thorn  merchandise  amounting  in  value  to  £82,380 
[$2,059,500]  and  that  the  debts  owed  at  that  time  by  the 
Dantzigers  to  the  English  exceeded  £65,900  [$1,647,- 
500].^^^  In  speaking  of  the  friction  between  the  English 
merchants  and  the  King  of  Denmark,  Thomas  North, 
whom  we  have  already  quoted,  estimated  in  1582  that 
"if  the  King  of  Denmark  pretended  a  quarrel  towards 
our  prince  or  nation,  always  about  midsummer  or  Whit- 
suntide he  might  stay,  that  pass  his  Sounds,  50  or  60 
sail  of  English  ships,  if  he  do  'deal  upon  the  vantage'; 
for  in  the  spring  of  the  year,  if  he  will  suffer  them  to 
pass  eastwards  by  4  sail  and  6  sail  as  they  come,  before 
those  first  ships  return  there  may  be  60,  or  100  past  and 
come  within  his  'danger,'  which  if  he  should  stay,  it  would 
be  a  great  foil  to  our  merchants  and  owners  of  ships  and 
also  to  a  number  of  poor  mariners. ' '  ^^^  In  the  same  year 
the  Queen  wrote  to  the  King  of  Denmark  and  mentioned 
"our  people's  trade  into  the  sea  of  Oresund  [the  Sound] 
having  much  increased  in  quantity  and  value  upon  that 
of  early  times."  "^ 

As  Elizabeth's  reign  drew  to  a  close,  the  Eastland  trade, 
although  hampered  in  many  ways,  assumed  such  propor- 
tions as  to  enable  the  merchants  engaged  in  it  to  compare 
themselves  with  the  numerous  and  wealthy  ^Merchant  Ad- 
venturers both  in  the  point  of  numbers  and  in  the  amount 
of  their  shippiug.^^*^  Their  ambitious  assertion  is,  in  a 
way,  substantiated  by  a  report  made  by  the  customer 
Plumpton  for  the  month  of  May,  1596."^  In  this  it  is 
shown  that,  while  there  were  27  ships  from  the  ports  of 
Holland,  2  from  Hamburg  and  2  from  Stade,  there  were 

127  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  9. 

128  c.  S.  P.,  For.,   1581-1582,  p.  651. 

129  C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1581-1582,  p.  632. 
i30Sloane  25,  f.  6  b. 

131  Lansdowne  81,  f.    123. 


EASTLAND  TRADE,  1550-1603  247 

19  from  Dantzig  alone.  And  in  1603  the  Venetian  Sec- 
retary, Giovanni  Carlo  Scaramelli,  wrote  to  the  Doge  and 
Senate  that  this  trade  was  equal  to  the  English  trade  of 
the  AVest  Indies,  Guiana  and  Brazil  and  greater  than  that 
of  Venice,  Ragusa,  Lepanto,  Constantinople  and  Syria.'''^ 
Just  how  much  this  was  or  how  much  this  Venetian  knew 
about  it,  is  impossible  to  determine,  but  this  does  show 
that  in  Scaramelli 's  eyes  at  least  this  was  a  very  consid- 
erable trade. 

132  C.  S.  P.,  Venetian,  1592-1G03,  p.  549. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE    EASTLAND    COMPANY 

It  is  usual  to  think  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
century  commercial  companies  as  organizations  the  aim 
of  which  was  to  open  up  or  develop  some  new  market  for 
exports  or  to  venture  on  some  dangerous  and  distant  voy- 
age in  search  of  certain  highly  prized  goods.  Such  were 
the  aims  of  the  founders  of  the  ]\Iuscovy  Company,  the 
Cathay  Company,  the  Levant  Company,  the  Barbary  Com- 
pany, the  East  India  Company  and  a  host  of  others.  But 
with  the  Eastland  Company  the  case  was  different.  It 
is  true,  the  voyage  to  Eastland  was  dangerous,  but  for  a 
long  time  Englishmen  had  succeeded  in  trading  there 
without  the  protection  of  an  organization.  The  line  of 
trade  in  that  direction  was  one  of  the  earliest  to  be  fol- 
lowed by  Englishmen.  The  home  government  had  taken 
an  interest  in  protectng  and  furthering  it.  The  Baltic 
rulers  had  not  at  any  time  strenuously  objected  to  it  and 
in  some  cases  had  actually  exerted  themselves  to  encour- 
age and  favor  it.  Yet  in  1579  we  find  the  Eastland  mer- 
chants organizing  a  company,  modeled  in  some  ways  after 
that  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers.  The  querj'  arises  just 
why  should  these  men,  who  were  getting  along  fairly  well 
as  independent  traders,  form  a  company  to  carry  on  a 
regulated  trade.  The  answer  to  this  question  seems  to 
lie  in  the  relation  existing  between  these  merchants  and 
the  problem  of  piracy,  with  the  international  complications 
arising  therefrom. 

The  case  that  precipitated  matters  was  that  of  John 
Peterson,  a  Dane.  He  had  been  despoiled  of  his  ship 
and  its  cargo  by  certain  English  pirates,  Hicks  and  Cal- 

248 


THE  EASTLAND  COMPANY  249 

lice,  about  Easter  time  in  1577.^  His  grievance  was  tal?en 
up  by  the  Danish  government  and  a  restitution  of  the 
spoil  was  vigorously  demanded.-  When  Hicks  and  Calliee 
were  captured,  Peterson's  ship  was  restored.^  Since  the 
goods  had  been  disposed  of,  the  Privy  Council  decided 
that  for  them  he  "shoulde  be  recorapenced  by  certen  fynes 
to  be  put  uppon  suche  as  shoulde  be  founde  to  have  ben 
dealers  withe  pirattes,  according  to  a  Comission  graunted 
from  her  Majestic  to  that  pourpose."  .  .  .  This  re- 
sulted in  the  payment  of  £200  of  the  £1300  claimed  by 
Peterson.  He  was  to  receive  the  rest  "as  it  was  from 
tyme  to  tyrae  to  be  leavied  uppon  the  offendours."  This, 
apparently  was  too  tardy  a  form  of  justice  to  suit  Peter- 
son and  so,  "on  the  sodane"  he  protested  and  departed 
for  Denmark.^ 

This  course  roused  the  English  to  take  more  effective 
measures  for  indemnifying  the  irate  Dane.  The  Council 
feared  that  Denmark  might  adopt  a  policy  of  reprisals  in 
the  Sound.  Accordingly,  "their  Lordships  foreseing 
what  inconvenience  might  follow  thereby  to  suche  her 
Majesties  subjectes  as  ether  are  there  or  hereafter  shall 
trade  into  the  Est  Partes,"  wrote  to  the  Lord  Mayor  of 
London  on  April  3,  1578.^  In  this  letter  they  set  forth 
that  they  "have  thought  it  good  to  require  him  to  call 
before  him  all  suche  of  that  Cittie  as  doe  trade  that  way, 
and  to  perswade  them  to  leavie  amongst  them  selfcs,  eveiy 
one  according  to  his  abillitie,  soe  muche  money  as  re- 
maynethe  to  be  payed  unto  the  said  Peterson,  which  will 
not  be  above  mc",  which  shall  be  payed  unto  them  agaiiie 
as  the  fynes  aforesaid  shalbe  leavied,  which  will  not  be 
long;  not  doubting  but  they  will  the  willinger  yeild  unto 

1  A.  P.  C,  X,  p.  57. 

2  Ihidj  C.  S.  P..  For.,  1577-1578,  p.  275. 

3  A.  P.  C,  X,  pp.  83  and  193. 

4  Ibid. 

5  A.  P.  C,  X,  p.  193. 


250  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

[tliis]  considering  it  is  for  their  owne  benefitte  and  they 
to  be  noe  furder  interessed,  but  only  the  forbering  of  their 
money  for  a  tyme,  which  maye  be  lesse  burden  unto 
them. ' '  "^  His  Lordship  was  then  instructed  to  inquire 
"what  merchantes  of  Hull,  Ipswich,  Harwich  and  New- 
eastell  doe  trade  that  way,  uppon  the  receipt  of  whose 
names  from  their  Lordships  the  like  order  shalbe  taken 
with  them  to  assiste  this  contribueion. "  ^  The  Lord 
Mayor  must  have  followed  this  instruction,  for  such  a  list 
still  exists.  It  gives,  along  with  the  names  of  the  mer- 
chants trading  to  the  East  Countries,  the  rate  of  taxation 
for  each.  One  hundred  and  forty-one  names  are  in- 
cluded, among  whom,  judging  by  the  tax  rate,  Thomas 
Pullison,  Robert  Hilson,  William  Cokayne,  Hugh  Offiey, 
Richard  Gurney,  Edmund  Boldero,  and  Roger  Fludd  were 
the  wealthiest.^ 

By  midsummer  the  idea  of  using  the  merchants  for 
other  purposes  than  merely  to  meet  the  demands  of  Peter- 
son, had  occurred  to  the  Council.  These  merchants  might 
be  used  to  help  send  representatives  to  Denmark  to  nego- 
tiate upon  the  question  of  tolls  collected  at  the  Sound. 
On  July  9,  1578,  the  Privy  Council  wrote  again  to  the 
Lord  Mayor  "to  confer  with  some  of  his  brethern  by  call- 
ing before  them  soche  marchantes  of  the  Cittie  as  are 
interessed  in  the  trade  towardes  Danske,  for  the  leav\Tige 
of  200"  towardes  the  charges  of  soche  persons  as  shall, 
apon  motion  made  to  the  Queues  Majestie,  be  sent  to  the 
Kinge  of  Denmark,  aswell  for  thexcessive  customes  de- 
maunded  by  the  saide  King  as  also  for  the  compounding 
of  some  controversies  betwixt  the  subjectes  of  bothe 
realmes     .     .     .     their    Lordships    offeringe    their    assist- 

6  A.  P.  c,  X,  p.  193. 

7  Ibid. 

8  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  127,  No.  73.  It  is  impossible  to  determine 
whether  this  list  contains  only  London  merchants  or  whether  those 
of  the  provincial  towns  are  included. 


THE  EASTLAND  COMPANY  251 

ances  to  leavie  and  gather  the  same  in  equall  and  indiffer- 
ent manner. ' '  ^ 

In  the  following  week  "]Mr.  Alderman  Pullison  and 
eerteine  other  merchaimtes  tradinge  Dantzig  and  the  East 
Partes"  undertook  and  promised  before  the  Lord  Treas- 
urer to  pay  over  to  Peterson  the  sum  of  £200,  '' toward  es 
the  satisfaecion  of  the  losses  which  he  sustained  by 
Hickes.  "^"^  The  measures  taken  by  the  government  had 
so  mollified  Peterson  that  he  had  consented  "in  case  he 
maye  presentlie  have  cc",  to  tarye  some  longer  time 
for  the  rest,  for  the  levyinge  wherof  he  is  to  understand 
that  it  is  ordered  by  their  Lordships  that  iiij  ^''"  [80] 
or  therabout  shalbe  delivered  out  of  the  receipt  of  her 
Majesties  Exchequier  by  direction  of  the  Lord  Threas- 
urer. "  ^^  On  July  16,  1578,  the  Council  wrote  to  the  Lord 
Mayor  to  call  Pullison  and  the  other  merchants  before 
him  "and  in  their  Lordships'  name  to  enjoyne  them  to 
make  provision  with  speede  convenient  of  the  said  cc" 
and  xx"  more,  or  so  much  as  shall  suffise  to  meete 
thother  sum,  iij'^ "  and  to  cause  the  same  [to  be]  brought 
to  the  Lord  Threasurer  who  will  see  it  paid  over  to  Peter- 
son, "i-' 

Evidently  Pullison  and  his  companions  were  averse  to 
bearing  the  whole  burden  of  this  charge,  for  the  next  day 
they  appeared  before  the  Council  about  the  matter  and 
a.s  a  result,  that  body  once  more  wrote  to  the  Lord  Mayor 
requiring  him  to  "sende  for  all  such  merchauntes  as  he 
shall  understande  to  trade  into  those  partes,  and  in  her 
Majesties  name  to  charge  them  to  paie  towardes  the  said 
summe  such  severall  porcions  as  everye  of  them  is  rated 
at,  and  to  commit  suche  as  shall  refuse  to  prison  without 

0  A.  P.  C,  X,  p.  266. 

10  A.  p.  C,  X,  p.  277. 

11  A.  P.  C,  X,  p.  277. 

12  Ibid. 


252  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

releasinge  them  by  baile  or  otherwise  without  speciall  war- 
rant and  order  therin  from  their  Lordships  .  .  .'' 
His  Lordship  was  particularly  instructed,  however,  "to 
signifie  unto  them  that  it  is  meant  the  said  severall  por- 
cions  shalbe  repaid  unto  them  uppon  such  fines  as  shalbe 
gathered  uppon  pirates  and  their  abbettours,  wherin 
.  .  .  their  Lordships  are  minded  substantiallie  to  pro- 
ceede.     .     .     ."" 

Here  was  a  peculiar  situation.  The  inefficiency  or  in- 
difference of  the  government  in  regard  to  piracy  led  to 
the  endangering  of  English  mercantile  interests  in  the 
Baltic.  The  government,  considering  that  it  was  the  mer- 
chants who  had  most  to  lose  in  case  Denmark  undertook 
reprisals,  thought  it  only  fair  that  they  should  do  most 
in  preventing  such  a  contingency.  When  the  government 
sought  to  put  its  ideas  into  practice,  a  further  problem 
arose.  What  would  be  an  equitable  distribution  of  the 
burden  among  the  merchants,  since  all  might  share  in  the 
benefits?  The  solution  that  seems  to  have  occurred  to  the 
merchants  was  the  same  as  had  been  adopted  for  the  solu- 
tion of  so  many  other  difficulties  of  the  merchants  of  the 
period,  the  formation  of  a  chartered  company;  and  so  in 
the  fall  of  1578  we  find  them  demanding  joint  privileges.^* 

Running  parallel  with  this  series  of  occurrences  in  Eng- 
land was  another  which  may  have  had  some  influence  in 
bringing  about  the  formation  of  the  company  at  this  time. 
On  the  Continent  events  were  so  shaping  themselves  as 
to  make  it  very  necessary  for  the  English  merchants  to 
effect  some  sort  of  organization.  Since  this  subject  comes 
up  for  full  discussion  later  it  need  only  be  noted  here  that 
the  old  enemies  of  the  English  merchants,  the  Dantzigers, 
were  doing  all  in  their  power  to  ruin  the  English  trade 
in  their  city,  while  the  people  of  a  rival  town,  Elbing, 

13  A.  P.  C,  X,  p.  280. 

14  C.  S.  P.  Dom.,  1547-1580,  p.  602. 


THE  EASTLAND  CO]\IPANY  253 

were  just  as  anxious  to  attract  and  foster  the  trade  of 
Elizabeth's  subjects.  Only  through  organization  could 
the  opposition  of  Dantzig  be  met  and  the  overtures  of 
Elbing  effectively  turned  to  advantage. 

What  would  be  the  attitude  of  the  government  toward 
the  new  project  of  organization?  Apparently  the  authori- 
ties felt  that  they  had  much  to  gain  and  nothing  to  lose. 
In  the  future  when  such  cases  as  that  of  Peterson  arose 
and  menaced  the  Baltic  trade,  here  would  be  an  organiza- 
tion which  could  assume  responsibilities.  In  fact  the  gov- 
ernment might  simply  delegate  powers  to  the  Company 

to  th 'intent  that  suche  disorders  as  happened  hereto- 
fore in  that  trade  might  be  avoyded  and  prevented. ' '  ^' 
This  organization  might  be  given  "libertie  for  that  pur- 
pose to  make  actes  and  orders  for  their  better  government, 
and  authorite  to  sequester,  committ  and  fine  the  trans- 
gressours  therof . ' '  ^°  Furthermore  here  was  another  in- 
strument with  which  to  work  toward  the  attainment  of 
that  most  praiseworthy  object,  the  expansion  of  English 
commerce.  Indeed  here  was  an  effective  and  impartial 
"plat  for  all  parties  interested. "  ^^ 

Some  time  during  the  winter  and  spring  of  1578-9  the 
Eastland  merchants  presented  a  formal  petition  to  the 
Queen  that  "by  her  Highnes'  Letters  Patentes  she  would 
vouchsafe  to  make  them  a  Companie  and  Fellowshippe 
Incorporate."'^  In  this  Alderman  Thomas  Pullison  took 
the  lead.  The  Charter  sets  forth  that  "we  [the  Queen] 
be  credyblye  informed  by  the  reporte  of  our  trustye  sub- 
jecte  Thomas  Pullyson  Alderman  of  our  Citie  of  Lon- 
don .  .  .  That  yowe  our  Subjectes  Marchantes  trad- 
inge  the  Easte  partes  ...  by  one  assente  and  con- 
sente  are  "Wyllinge  and  desirous  to  gather  congregate  as- 

16  A.  P.  C.  XII,  p.  207. 

16  A.  p.  C,  XII,  p.  207. 

17  C.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1547-1580,  p.  G02. 
ISA.   P.    C,   XI,   p.   205. 


254  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

semble  and  drawe  your  selves  into  one  fellowshipp  and 
comynaltye. ' '  " 

A  delay  was  now  caused  by  the  appearance  of  new 
complications.  When  the  merchants  presented  their  pe- 
tition to  the  Queen,  they  enclosed  an  abstract  of  certain 
privileges  which  they  desired. ^^  This  aroused  the  opposi- 
tion of  the  Merchant  Adventurers  and  the  Spanish  Mer- 
chants, for  they  considered  "divers  articles  in  the  said 
abstracte  as  prejudiciall  to  their  Chartres  and  Corpora- 
cions.  "^^  By  August  5,  1579,  however,  the  matter  had 
been  adjusted  and  on  that  day  the  Attorney  General  was 
instructed  by  the  Privy  Council  "to  acquainte  the  said 
Merchantes  Adventurers  and  Spanishe  JNIerchauntes  with 
the  said  abstracte  before  he  drawe  upp  the  booke,  that 
their  consent  be  had  to  the  articles  which  heretofore  they 
misliked. ' '  '^ 

In  a  few  weeks  after  this  (August  27)  the  charter  was 
granted.^^ 

It  seems  evident,  then,  that  the  formation  of  the  East- 
land Company  was  precipitated  at  least  by  the  necessity 
on  the  part  of  the  merchants  of  meeting  this  shifting  by 
the  English  government  of  the  burden  of  indemnification 
for  piracy;  other  incentives  to  its  formation  are  to  be 
found  in  the  efforts  of  the  English  to  make  the  most  of 
the  situation  in  Prussia. 

For  the  particular  form  of  organization  that  the  East- 
land merchants   were   now  about  to  assume,  they  had  a 

19  The  charter  of  the  Eastland  Company  is  found  in  the  Patent 
Rolls,  21  Eliz.,  pt.  11  and  also  in  S.  P.,"Dom.,  Eliz.  131.  No.  70. 
Extensive  portions  of  it  from  the  former  source  are  printed  in  the 
appendix  of  the  volume  "T/ie  Acts  and  Ordinances  of  the  Eastland 
Company,"  in  the  publications  of  the  Camden  Society,  Third  Series, 
XI.     The  quotation  above  comes  from  that  volume,  p.  142. 

20  A.  P.  C,  XI,  p.  205. 

21  Ibid. 

22  A.  p.  C,  XI,  p.  205. 

23  C.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1547-1580,  p.  630. 


THE  EASTLAND  COMPANY  255 

choice  between  two  models.  The  Company  of  ]\Ierchant 
Adventurers  had  already  shown  that  Englishmen  as  well 
as  foreigners  could  unite  and  by  a  regulated  trade  both 
gain  concessions  abroad  and  protect  themselves  from  dan- 
gerous competition  among  their  own  members.  The  Mus- 
covy Company  had  demonstrated  how  co-operation  by 
joint  stock  could  be  applied  to  overcome  the  obstacles  of 
distant  trading  and  the  assumption  of  large  risks.  Of 
these  two  the  Eastland  merchants  chose  the  former.  This 
was  only  natural  since  the  conditions  with  which  they  had 
to  deal  resembled  the  conditions  of  Germany  far  more 
than  those  of  Russia.  Reflecting  the  type  of  the  company, 
the  official  name  of  "Governour,  assistauntes  and  Fellow- 
shipp  of  ]\Iarchaunte  of  Eastland  ' '  -*  was  selected. 

The  charter  is  addressed  to  certain  classes  of  adminis- 
trative officials :  admirals,  castellans,  customers,  control- 
lers, collectors  of  subsidies,  keepers  of  havens  on  the  seas, 
justices,  escheators,  coroners,  mayors,  sheriffs,  ''chiefe  of- 
ficers," bailiffs,  constables,  and  ''other  our  officers  myny- 
sters  and  subjectes. " -^  This  list  probably  includes  all  the 
officials  of  the  government  with  whom  the  new  company 
was  at  all  likely  to  come  in  contact. 

The  purpose  of  the  fellowship,  as  voiced  by  the  charter, 
was  the  better  regulation  of  the  Eastland  trade.  The 
new  Company  was  for  the  "  honor  and  service  of  us  and 
our  lande  inventynge  [venting?]  our  comodytyes  to  the 
pffytte  of  us  and  our  lande  and  cuptrye  and  sving 
[serving?] — our  lande  and  cuntrye  With  the  raoste 
necessarye  comodytyes  of  the  said  landes  Nacyons  coun- 
tryes  Cittyes  and  Townes  Which  thorough  many  unskyl- 
full  and  disordered  persons  is  sore  altered  to  the  greate 
hinderance  of  us  and  our  lande  and  countrj-e. ' '  ^^     The 

24  A.  and  O.,  p.  144. 
2SA.  and  O.,  p.  142. 
28  A.  and  0.,  p.   143. 


256  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

relations  of  the  English  merchants  to  Denmark  which  we 
have  seen  to  be  so  important  in  bringing  about  the  forma- 
tion of  the  company,  as  well  as  the  relations  with  the 
Hanse  Towns  were  only  hinted  at  in  the  preamble  of  the 
charter  where  it  sets  forth  that  by  this  instrument  the 
merchants  were  to  be  drawn  into  one  body  corporate  and 
politic  "in  dede  and  in  name  aswell  for  your  better  gov- 
ernemente  Releiff  and  succours  in  those  partes  and  re- 
dressinge  of  suche  wronges  and  injuryes  as  heretofore  hathe 
bene  and  hereafter  myglite  be  layde  unto  and  upon  yowe 
by  dyvers  and  sundry-e  unlawfull  and  unreasonable  taxes 
exacyons  and  imposicions  and  other  newe  customes  in 
those  partes  contrarye  to  the  entercourse  betwene  us  and 
our  noble  Progenitors  and  the  princes  States  and  comon- 
altye  and  their  Progenitors  Auneestors  and  Predecessours 
of  the  said  Easte  Countryes. ' '  -^ 

A  point  much  emphasized  in  the  charter  is  that  of  de- 
fining the  geographical  limits  within  which  the  Company 
was  to  have  the  monopoly  of  trade.  In  certain  regions 
of  the  East  Country  no  Englishmen  except  members  of 
this  organization  were  hereafter  to  be  pri\aleged  to  buy 
and  sell.  These  places  are  beyond  "the  Sounde  into  the 
.  .  .  Realmes  Kyngdomes  Dom^'nyons  Dukedomes  Cou- 
tryes  Cittyes  and  Townes  of  Norway  Swethan  Polland 
and  Terrytories  of  the  same  Kingdomes  of  Pole  Norway 
and  Swethen  lettow  leefland  and  Prussen  With  the  Terry- 
tories of  the  same  and  also  Pomerland  from  the  Rj^er  of 
Odera  Eastward  with  Rye  Revell  Kynningburgh,  Elbynge 
Brounsburgh  Dantzick  Copenhawen  and  Elsenor  Finland 
Golland  Ewland  and  Burntholme. "  ^^  This  included  al- 
most all  the  countries  and  islands  touched  by  the  Baltic. 
Furthermore  the  few  places  not  assigned  exclusively  to 
the  Eastland  ]\Ierchants  were  taken  care  of.     Narva,  at 

2T  A.  and  O.,  p.  144. 
28  A.  and  O.,  p.  144. 


THE  EASTLAND  COMPANY  257 

this  time  the  one  Kussian  port  on  tlie  Baltic,  already  be- 
longed to  the  IMiiscovy  Company,  so  that  now  it  was  care- 
fully excepted  from  the  places  assigned  to  the  Eastland 
r\lerehants.-®  It  would  seem  that  the  Eastland  Merchants 
at  first  had  asked  for  a  monopoly  of  all  the  lands  border- 
ing upon  the  Baltic ;  but  to  this  the  Merchant  Adventurers 
made  objection.  They  resented  the  assignment  to  another 
company  of  any  portion  of  Germany  since  "all  the  Terry- 
toi'is  therof  bathe  ever  benn  insydente  to  their  trade. "^° 
This  was  probably  one  of  the  points  in  the  dispute  which 
('•lused  the  delay  in  the  granting  of  the  Charter.  A  cora- 
I'l-omise  was  effected  whereby  the  portions  of  northern 
'Irrmany  west  of  the  Oder,  that  is  Pomerania  west  of  the 
<.>(k'r,  ]\Ieclilenburg  and  Liibeck  along  with  Denmark  out- 
side of  Copenhagen  and  Elsinore,  were  to  be  held  jointly 
by  the  Eastland  Company  and  the  i\rerchant  Adventur- 
ers. "We  .  .  .  doe  by  these  psentes  graunte  to  the 
said  Governour  assistauntes  and  Fellowshijiji  of  Mar- 
chauntes  adventurears  of  England  .  .  .  and  to  the 
said  Governour  assistauntes  and  Fellowship'p  of  Mar- 
chauntes  of  Eastelande  .  .  .  That  the  said  severall  Fel- 
lowshipps  and  Companyes  shall  or  maye  .  .  .  trade  and 
occupye  into  and  with  the  kyngdomes  Countryes  Cytyes  and 
Townes  hereafter  expressed  that  is  to  saye  into  and 
Withall  Denmarke  excepte  Copen  haven  and  Elseno  Which 
before  is  appoynted  to  the  said  iMarchauntes  of  Eastelande 
and  their  successours  onely  and  into  and  With  Mackelburgh 
j  Jutland  Sclosia  ^loravia  Lubeck  AVysmore  Rostock  Sta- 
j  tine  Stralsound  and  the  Whole  Rj-^er  of  Odera  any  thinge 
j  or  matter  in  these  psentes  conteyned  to  the  contrayre 
notwithstandinge. ' '  ^^ 

Not  only  were  there  provisions  as  to  the  exclusive  ter- 

20  A.  and  O.,  p.  144. 

30  S.  P.,  Doni.,  Eliz.  126,  f.  24. 

31  A.  and  O.,  pp.   149-150. 


258  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

ritory  of  the  Eastland  Merchants  but  there  were  also 
clauses  prohibiting  them  from  trading  in  other  places. 

"And  "VVe  Wyll  and  comaunde  and  straightly  inhibyte 
our  said  Marchauntes  of  Eastelande  and  evye  of  them 
that  they  nor  their  successours  shall  not  occupy  buy  or 
sell  in  any  porte  place  or  Towne  of  the  Dukedome  of 
Holston  the  towne  of  Hamburg  or  the  Ryver  of  Elve 
or  any  of  them  or  shall  use  the  same  otherwise  then  for 
the  Fre  passage  of  their  parsons  and  goodes  Without 
breakinge  any  Bulke  to  thende  or  intente  to  make  sale  of 
any  their  Marchaundize   Which  places  late  recyted.  "'^ 

When  one  finds  a  monopoly  such  as  this  one,  the  vital 
questions  for  determining  its  real  character  are  those  con- 
cerning the  membership.  How  many  members  were 
there?  What  sort  of  people  were  they?  How  was  the 
membership  recruited?  Was  the  number  limited  in  any 
way  ? 

In  answer  to  the  first  of  these  questions  it  is  found 
that  there  were  sixty-five  charter  members,  sixty-four  men 
and  one  woman.^^ 

When  the  merchants  had  first  asked  for  privileges  they 
suggested  that  the  membership  be  limited  to  persons  who 
had  been  engaged  in  the  trade  for  a  period  of  at  least 
ten  years,  that  is,  since  January  1,  1568.  But  this  was 
considered  a  measure  of  doubtful  propriety,  ''For  that 
there  [are]  many  mere  marchants  that  hathe  benne  Deal- 
ers in  thos  pties  sence  that  tyme  and  nowe  are  w'^'*  wolde 
&  myght  think  themselves  hardly  Deelte  w**'all,  to  be  de- 
barrid  or  phibetid  the  same. ' '  ^*  Probably  as  a  result  of 
this  difference  of  opinion  we  find  in  the  charter  curiously 
jumbled  statements  which  were  perhaps  meant  to  evade 

32  A.  and  0.,  p.  150. 

33  In  editing  the  Charter,  Miss  Sellers  has  seen  fit  to  omit  the 
names  of  the  charter  members.  This  list  will  be  found  in  the  ap- 
pendix to  this  volume. 

34  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  126,  f .  24. 


THE  EASTLAND  COIMPANY  259 

the  issue.  In  the  preamble  the  merchants  are  addressed 
as  "yowe  our  Subjectes  Marchauntes  tradinge  the  Easte 
partes  comonlye  called  the  Dansicke  I\Iarchauntes  or  Mar- 
chauntes  tradinge  in  or  thorough  the  Sounde."'' — Fur- 
ther on  in  the  incorporating  clause  after  the  enumeration 
of  their  names  they  are  spoken  of  as  "mere  marehaunts 
.  .  .  which  have  had  and  lawfully  did  use  or  nowe  have 
and  doe  lawfully  use  the  trade  of  marchaundyze  out  of 
and  from  any  of  our  Domynyons  through  the  Sounde  into 
[the  various  places  set  apart  for  the  Eastland  Company] 
.  .  .  by  transportinge  out  of  the  same  or  any  of  them 
any  Marchaundyze  or  Comodytyes  .  .  .  into  our 
Realme  of  England  or  into  any  other  our  Domynyons  what- 
soever or  u'hicli  have  any  traffique  and  did  use  any  trade  of 
marchaundyze  in  the  said  Realmes  Kingdomes  Domynyons 
Dukedomes  Countryes  Cyttyes  and  Townes  aforesaid  or 
any  of  them  in  and  through  the  Sounde  aforesaide  before 
the  firste  daye  of  Januarye  "Which  was  in  the  yeare  of 
our  lord  god  1568  &  then  in  the  saide  j-ere  of  our  lorde 
god  1568  aforesaid  beinge  lyvinge  and  their  children  and 
also  their  apprentyces  M'hich  they  then  had  or  sythenee 
that  tyme  have  or  had  and  hereafter  shall  have  from 
henceforth,     shalbe     one     fellowshipp     and     coiTiynaltye 

"  36 

In  the  list  of  charter  members  are  the  names  of  some  of 
the  most  prominent  merchants  of  the  time.  The.se  men  were 
distinguished  not  only  in  the  Eastland  trade  but  in  the  com- 
merce with  other  places  as  well.  They  were  among  the  peo- 
ple of  influence  in  the  municipal  jifTnirs  of  London.    At  the 

35  A.  and  O.,  p.   142. 

so  A.  and  O.,  pp.  143-144.  In  a  comparison  of  the  names  con- 
tained in  the  Charter  and  those  in  tlie  Lord  Mayor's  list,  it  is  no- 
ticeable that  eleven  names  appear  in  the  Charter  which  are  not 
contained  in  tlie  other  list.  A  possible  exphmation  of  tliis  lies  in 
the  fact  that  one  of  these  men,  John  Lanj^ton.  was  a  resident  of 
Poland  and   so  very  probably  escaped  the  notice  of  his  Lordship. 


260  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

head  of  the  list  are  four  London  Aldermen,  Edward  Os- 
borne, Thomas  Pullison,  George  Barnes  and  George  Bond. 
Edward  Osborne  belonged  to  the  oligarchy  that  controlled 
the  city.  He  had  married  the  daughter  of  Sir  William  Iluet 
who  had  been  Lord  Mayor  in  1559.^^  Thomas  Pullison  was 
one  of  the  foremost  merchants  of  his  time.  He  traded 
to  Spain,  to  the  Netherlands  and  to  the  East  Countr^^'' 
Aldermen  Barnes  and  Bond  were  among  the  substantial 
business  men  of  London.  In  1580  Barnes  was  one  of  the 
Governors  of  the  Muscovy  Company.^"  Bond  belonged 
to  a  family  prominent  in  business  and  city  affairs.  An- 
other man  of  means  in  this  company  was  William  Bond, 
to  whom  the  government  owed  at  one  time  over  £7000,  a 
sum  equal  to  $175,000  at  the  prasent  time.*"  The  one 
woman  member,  "Margarett  Bond,  wydowe"  was  very 
likely  a  relative  of  his;  her  name  follows  his  in  the  list. 
Other  well-to-do  members  Avere  Christopher  Hoddesdon,  a 
Muscovy  merchant  and  also  one  of  the  leading  Merchant 
Adventurers ;  Thomas  Wylford,  the  President  of  the  Com- 
pany trading  Spain ;  *^  Thomas  Allen,  who  had  been  the 
treasurer  of  the  company  which  financed  Frobisher  in 
his  voyages  to  the  Northwest ;  *-  Hugh  Offley,  a  merchant 
of  wealth,  who  was  often  chosen  to  act  as  an  arbitrator  in 
mercantile  cases  and  who  later  became  an  alderman ;  *^ 
Thomas  Russell,  at  one  time  "one  of  the  Queen's  Majes- 
ties Purvey  ours ";  **  Richard  Staper,  a  man  of  broad  in- 
terests who,  with  Alderman  Osborne,  had  in  1575  sent 
at  their  own  expense,  John  Wicht  and  Joseph  Clements 

37  stow,  Survey  of  London,  (Kingsford  Edition,  1908)  I,  p.  223. 

38  C.  S.  P.,  Dom.,   1547-1580.  p.  489;   C.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Add.,  1566- 
1579,  p.  72;   A.  P.  C,  \ail,  pp.  299-300;   X,   107. 

39  C.   S.   P.,  Dom.,  Add.,   1580-1G25,  p.   6. 

40  A.  P.  C,  VIII,  pp.  53-60. 

41  C.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1547-1580,  p.  687. 

42  C.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  1547-1580,  p.  608. 

43  Stow,  Survey,  I,  p.   151. 

44  A.  P.  C,  VII,  p.  241. 


THE  EASTLAND  COMPANY  261 

"by  way  of  Poland  to  Constantinople,  where  the  said 
Joseph  remained  18  months  to  procure  a  safe-conduct 
iVom  the  grand  Signior  for  M.  William  Harborne,  then 
factor  for  Sir  Edward  Osborne,  to  have  free  aecesse  into 
his  Highnes  dominions,  and  obtained  the  same.  "''^  Os- 
borne and  Staper  were  also  the  patrons  of  Newberry  and 
Fitch  in  their  journey  to  the  Far  East.*"  Besides  these 
men  the  membership  included  William  Towerson,  often 
chosen  by  the  Privy  Council  to  help  in  the  adjustment  of 
ilifficulties  between  merchants,  both  native  and  foreign;*^ 
John  Foxall,  at  this  time  a  wellJcnown  trader  to  Spain, 
Denmark  and  the  East  Country;^'*  Robert  Ililson  and 
Itoger  Pludd,  both  wealthy  merchants,  holding  large  in- 
terests in  Dantzig;^"  and  the  Cokaynes  who  later  became 
so  influential  in  and  subscribed  so  heavily  to  the  East 
India  Company.^" 

How  wa.s  this  number  to  be  recruited?  Of  course,  tlie 
sons  and  apprentices  of  these  men  could  get  into  the  Com- 
pany but  what  were  the  conditions  put  upon  persons  who 
had  no  such  claims  for  admission.  The  charter  lays  down 
the  rules  for  eligibility.  Above  all  they  must  be 
"mere"  merchants.'^^  Retailers,  artificers,  and  handicrafts- 
men were  absolutely  excluded.  Besides  Ix'ing  "mere "mer- 
chants they  had  to  be  Englishmen,  "subjects  of  us  our 
heires  and  suceessours. "  °^ 

45Hakluyt,  V,  pp.  1C8-1G9. 

40  Arber,  English  Gamer,  Westminster,  100.-3-1004,  III.  ]k  177; 
Richard  Staper  was  one  of  the  leadin<^  nierrlianls  in  the  Kast 
India  Comjiany.  C.  S.  P.  Col.  East  Indies,  151;MG1«,  pp.  99,  101, 
109,   and   116. 

47  A.  P.  C,  VIII,  i)p.   1(57  and  287;   X.  p.  83. 

48  4.'>th  Rep.  Dep.  Keeper  of  Rec.,  Ai)p.  II,  p.  48;  C.  S.  P..  For., 
1581-1582,  p.  t)49. 

49  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.   11. 

BoC.  S.  P.,  Col.,  East  Indies,  15i;3-l(n(),  pp.  100,  101,  170,  and 
180. 

Bi  A.  and   O.,   pp.    143-144. 

52  A.  and  O.,  p.   143. 


262  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

After  this  limitation  as  to  the  sort  of  persons  to  be 
admitted,  comes  a  provision  for  the  special  favor  of  East- 
land Merchants  in  certain  localities  outside  of  London. 
The  charter  specifies  that  the  company  ' '  shall  take  and  shall 
not  refuse  to  receyve  into  their  fellowshipp  all  other  Mar- 
chauntes  .  ,  .  inhabytynge  Within  the  townes  of  Bry- 
stowe,  Excest  Barstable  Lyme  Dertmouth  Plymmouth 
Bridgewater  Beaton  and  Tottnes  "Who  synce  the  said  firste 
day  of  Januarye  in  the  yeare  of  our  lorde  god  1568  have 
in  any  one  yeare  transported  any  Wares  or  comodytyes  of 
England  into  the  said  Easte  partes  through  the  sounde 
by  Way  of  Marchaundyze  or  trade     .     .     .     "  °^ 

The  question  of  entrance  fee,  or  fine,  as  it  was  then 
called,  was  next  taken  up  for  discussion.  There  is  no 
mention  of  any  initial  fee  paid  by  the  charter  members 
other  than  the  hint  that  certain  persons  are  to  be  ad- 
mitted hereafter  "for  such  duetye  as  those  nomynated  in 
this  charter  are. "  ^*  It  seems  fairly  certain  that  the  orig- 
inators of  this  Company  had  to  meet  rather  heavy  ex- 
penses, since  beside  bearing  the  burden  of  indemnifying 
the  Danes  which  Thomas  North  says  was  "made  at  the 
great  suit  of  her  [the  Queen's]  loving  subjects, "^^  they 
had  to  secure  the  charter  and  perfect  the  organization. 
It  is  impossible  to  determine  just  how  heavy  these  ex- 
penses were  or  how  they  were  apportioned  to  the  mem- 
bers. But  in  the  case  of  the  merchants  to  be  taken  in 
hereafter,  the  charter  was  quite  explicit.  The  Eastland 
Merchants  of  the  coast  towns  enumerated  above  were  to 
be  admitted  upon  the  payment  of  £6  13s.  4d.  "of  good 
and  lawf uU  money  of  England. "  ^"^  "  All  other  Mar- 
chaunts  Whatsoever,"  that  is,  merchants  who  had  not 
traded    to    Eastland   since    1568,    whether    they    were    of 

53  A.  and  0.,  p.   147. 

54  Ibid. 

55  C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1581-1582,  p.  650. 
58  A.  and  O.,  p.  147. 


THE  EASTLAND  COMPANY  263 

London  or  the  coast  towns,  had  to  pay  £20.^^  In  both 
of  these  cases  the  children  born  since  1568  and  the  ap- 
prentices bound  since  that  date  were  to  be  admitted  on 
payment  of  a  sum  equal  to  that  paid  by  the  charter  mem- 
bers. 

There  must  have  been  considerable  confusion  in  the 
minds  of  the  framers  of  this  charter  as  to  the  relation  of 
this  to  other  companies,  if  one  can  judge  by  the  pro- 
visions found  in  the  charter  itself.  "We  have  already 
noted  that  before  the  granting  of  the  charter  there  was 
some  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers 
and  the  Spanish  merchants  to  the  abstract  of  privileges 
presented  by  the  Eastland  Merchants  and  it  is  possible 
that  this  confusion  in  the  charter  is  another  result  of  an 
attempt  to  adjust  difficulties.  But  whatever  the  cause  of 
this  obscurity,  the  charter  first  provided  that  this  Com- 
pany was  to  admit  no  merchants  free  of  any  other  trading 
company.  "And  further  we  will  and  neverthelesse  doe 
straightly  comaunde  the  said  Governour  assistaunts  and 
Fellowshipp  of  ^larchauntes  of  Eastelande  aforesaide  and 
their  successours  That  they  and  their  successours  doe  not 
in  any  wyse  admytt  into  their  Fellowshii>p  any  mar- 
ehaunte  free  of  any  other  companye  or  societie  tradinge  mar- 
chaundyze  beyonde  the  Seas  .  .  .  "  °®  After  this  verj' 
definite  prohibition  came  the  exceptions  which  rob  it  of  all 
significance.  It  was  provided  that  "notwithstandinge  any 
former  excepcyon  yet  nevthelesse  any  other  IMarchauntes 
.  .  .  beinge  subjectes  of  us  our  heires  or  suc- 
cessours beinge  of  any  other  Fellowshipp  or  Marchauntes 
tradinge  into  any  forreyne  partes  shall  also  be  recey\'ed 
and  admytted  into  the  said  Fellowshii?f)  of  marchauntes 
of  Easteland"^^  upon   any  one  of  three  conditions:    (1) 

57  A.  and  0.,  p.  147. 

58  A.  and  O.,  p.   146. 
69  A.  and  O.,  p.  147-8. 


264  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC  J 

that  they  pay  "in  the  name  of  a  Fyne"  such  a  sum  of 
money  to  the  use  of  the  "said  Fellowshipp  of  Marchauntes 
of  Easteland  as  the  Fellowshipp  and  companye  Whereof 
they  then  be  are  used  to  take  of  any  other  psone  or 
psons  not  beinge  of  their  Fellovvship'p  for  admyssion 
into  their  Company  and  Fellowshipp  by  redempcyon"; "" 
(2)  that  they  relinquish  their  membership  in  other  com- 
panies ;  •'^  since  ' '  Dyvers  occacons  may  happen  to  Dryve 
[a]  marehante  From  the  vsuall  trade  w^'*'  he  exersysethe 
in  the  fellowship  wherof  he  is  one;^-  (3)  that  they  pro- 
cure the  free  admission  of  a  member  of  the  Eastland  Com- 
pany into  the  other  company.  In  this  last  case  no  fine 
was  to  be  paid  by  the  merchant  for  entrance  into  the 
Eastland  Company.**^  The  "mere"  Merchant  Adventur- 
ers and  the  "  mere  Marchauntes  tradinge  Spayne  and 
Portingale"  who  had  traded  through  the  Sound  into  East- 
land since  1568  were  to  be  admitted  on  the  payment  of 
ten  pounds.***  This  special  concession  was  to  be  valid 
only  one  year  after  the  granting  of  the  charter.  If  there 
were  any  Merchant  Adventurers  and  Spanish  Merchants 
who  had  not  traded  to  the  East  Parts  but  who  were  de- 
sirous of  taking  up  that  trade  and  entering  the  fellowship, 
they  were  to  be  received  on  the  payment  of  forty  marks. 
This  concession  was  to  be  "  Wythout  lymytacyon  of 
tyme.  "^^  In  the  first  of  these  classes,  the  sons  born  after 
1568  and  the  apprentices  bound  after  1568  were  to  be 
admitted  on  a  fine  equal  to  that  paid  by  sons  of  charter 
members.*"'  In  the  case  of  the  second  class  only  sons  born 
or  apprentices  bound  after  their  father's  or  master's  en- 

60  A.  and  O.,  p.  148. 

61  Ibid. 

62  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  126,  f.  24. 

63  A.  and  O.,  p.   148. 

64  lUd. 

65  A.  and  0.,  p.   149. 

66  A.  and  0.,  p.  148. 


THE  EASTLAND  COMPANY  265 

tianee  into  the  fellowsliip  were  to  enjoy  similar  pi'ivi- 
eges."^ 
Beside  providing  for  the  territorial  monopoly  ajul  the 
embership  of  this  (Company,  the  charter  takes  up  the 
uestion  of  internal  organization.  It  provides  for  a  body 
f  officials  the  most  important  of  which  were  a  governor, 
a  deputy  governor  and  twenty-four  assistants.  In  one 
6§plaee  the  charter  reads  as  if  there  was  a  possibility  of  more 
than  one  governor;  it  speaks  of  the  "rule  and  governe- 
mente  of  the  said  Governour  or  Governours  liis  or  their 
deputye  or  deputyes  and  the  said  assistauntes  or  the  greater 
parte  of  them  then  psente."®*  Since  there  is  no  men- 
tion anywhere  else  of  a  dual  or  plural  governorship,  one 
concludes  that  this  provision  was  worded  in  that  way  to 
take  care  of  a  contingency  that  never  arose.  Alderman 
Pullison  was  nominated  the  first  governor  "*  and  Thomas 
Russell  his  deputy.  The  first  group  of  assistants  were 
also  named  in  the  charter. 

The  offices  of  governor  and  his  deputy  were  to  be  filled 
by  annual  elections.  The  charter  goes  into  this  matter 
in  great  detail,  describing  both  the  manner  of  the  regular 
elections  and  the  procedure  in  case  of  vacancies  occurring 
during  the  year  of  office.  The  twenty-four  assistants 
were  to  remain  in  office  "for  one  whole  yeare  And  further 
soe  longe  as  they  shall  behave  themselves  well  in  the  said 
office  at  the  good  discreeyon  of  the  said  Governor  or  his 
Deputye  and  the  most  part  of  the  said  Assistants."^" 
Any  member  of  the  fellowship  wjus  eligible  for  the  office 
of  assistant.'^^ 

The    Compan}'   was   given    many    powers.     Among   tlie 

67  A.  and  O.,  p.  149. 

68  A.  and  O.,  p.   146. 

59  This  choice  was  perhaps  the  result  of  tlu'  ])rotnin('nt   part  wliich 
Pullison  took  in  raisinj^  tlie  funds  to  pay  IN-terson,  the  Dane. 
70S.  P.,  Dom.,  EHz.  131,  No.  70. 
71  Ibid. 


266  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC  ^ 

minor  ones  were  the  powers  to  purchase,  possess  and  dis-jlt 
pose  of  lands  not  exceeding  one  hundred  pounds  annu- 
ally, to  sue  and  be  sued  in  the  corporate  name,  and  to 
have  a  common  seal/^  The  large  power,  however,  waS' 
that  of  governing  absolutely  the  Eastland  trade.  For- 
this  the  provisions  in  the  Charter  are  very  general :  ' '  That 
the  said  Governour  or  his  deputye  or  deputyes  and  assist- 
auntes  aforesaid  and  their  successours  for  the  tyme  beinge 
or  the  greater  parte  of  them  then  being  psente  and  as- 
sembled together  .  .  ,  for  ever  may  and  shall  make 
ordeyne  and  stablishe  suche  good  statutes  lawes  and  con- 
stitucyons  and  ordinaunces  for  the  good  government  and 
rule  of  the  said  fellowshipp  as  they  shall  thinke  mete  and 
convenyente  So  as  the  said  lawes  ordynnces  and  con- 
stytueyons  be  not  repugnante  or  derogatorie  to  the  lawes 
and  statutes  of  this  Realme  of  Englande  or  contrarye  to 
any  treatye  league  or  covenntes  betwene  us  our  heires 
and  successours  and  eny  other  Prynce  or  Potentate. "  ^^ 
Further  these  "statutes  lawes  and  constitucyons "  could 
be  repealed  whenever  it  should  be  deemed  expedient  to  do 
so  by  the  authorities  of  the  company.^* 

By  way  of  machinery  to  put  this  in  force  the  Company 
was  given  the  privilege  of  holding  courts,  that  is,  the  privi- 
lege of  having  meetings  for  the  above-mentioned  legisla- 
tion and  the  transaction  of  the  common  business.  The 
charter  empowered  them  "to  assemble  assigne  appoynte 
and  mete  together  and  cause  to  be  kepte  courtes  and  con- 
gregations of  all  the  said  Fellowship|)  of  ^Marchauntes  of 
Easteland. "  '  ^ 

There  can  be  little  doabt  but  that  the  Eastland  Mer- 
chants were  anxious  to  follow  the  model  of  the  ^Merchant 
Adventurers  more  closely  than  has  hitherto  been  suspected. 

72  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  131,  No.  70. 

73  A.   and   0.,  p.    145. 

74  Ibid. 

75  A.  and  0.,  p.   144. 


THE  EASTLAND  COMPANY  267 

t  has  been  pointed  out  that  the  main  difference  in  the 
'^'Organization  of  these  two  companies  lies  in  the   location 

f  the  seat  of  government,  the  Merchant  Adventurers  hav- 
^g  their  governing  body  on  the  Continent,  while  the  East- 

and  Merchants  kept  their  base  in  London.  But  this  de- 
lation on  the  part  of  the  latter  was  one  forced  upon  them 
Dv  circumstances  rather  than  as  a  policy  consciously  and 

ndependently  adopted.  Apparently  when  the  question  of 
Drganization  was  first  broached,  it  was  expected  to  have 
the  governing  body  in  the  East  Parts,  but  it  was  soon 
seen  that  this  would  entail  inconveniences  upon  the  p]a.st- 
land  Merchants  from  which  the  more  adjacent  field  of 
activity  of  the  j\Ierchant  Adventurers  delivered  them. 
Thus  to  "pvente  that  the  said  companye  of  theste 
m^'chants  shall  not  inJoine  such  as  wilbe  free  of  their  So- 
syetye  to  Lose  any  tyme  in  travell  abought  the  same  over 
the  Seaes,  yt  may  be  pvyded  for  that  all  suche  psonnes 
as  requj^rithe  the  freedome  of  the  sayd  sosyetye  may  be 
admitted  into  the  same  here  in  Inglande." "  To  meet 
this  situation  the  charter  provided  that  there  might  be 
assemblies  and  courts  both  in  England  and  in  the  East 
Parts,"  provided  that  there  were  at  least  twenty  mem- 
bers present,  thirteen  of  whom  had  to  be  assistants.'* 
Both  in  England  and  in  the  East  Parts  courts  could  be 
held  as  often  as  it  seemed  necessary  to  the  "Governour  or 
his  Deputye  or  Deputyes  for  the  tyme  beinge  or  any  of 
them  for  the  proffytt  or  comodytye  of  the  said  Fellow- 
ship!) of  Marchauntes  of  Eastelande  aforesaid. ' ' ' " 

There  was  also  provision  for  a  permanent  local  court 
on  the  Continent,  but  since  there  could  be  but  one  real 
head,  this  one  was  made  subsidiary  to  the  Court  in  Eng- 
land.    The   charter   sets    forth    that    tiie    governing   body 

70  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  126,  f.  24. 
"  A.  and  0.,  p.  145. 
■78  Ihid. 
79  Hid. 


268  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

"may  and  shall  name  ehuse  and  appoint  at  theire  will  & 
pleasure  From  tyme  to  tyme  one  or  mo  of  the  said  Fel- 
lowshipp  to  be  theire  Governor  or  governors  in  the  pts ' 
beyond  the  See  The  w^''  Governor  or  Governors  deputie  or 
deputies  so  named  and  chosen  and  euery  of  them  shall 
haue  full  power  and  auctoritie  to  elect  and  chuse  to  hym 
or  them  Twelve  of  the  discretest  merchaunts  there  resi- 
dent of  the  said  Fellowshipp  to  associate  the  said  Gov- 
ernor or  Governors  deputie  or  deputies  in  that  place  where 
the  said  governor  or  governors  deputie  or  deputies  in  the 
said  parts  beyond  the  Sees  shalbe  resident.  .  .  ."**'* 
These  officials  so  appointed  were  to  rule  and  govern  in  the 
East  Parts  within  "such  bounds  and  Lymitts  as  to  them 
by  the  said  Governor  and  Assistants  of  the  said  Fellow- 
shipp resident  in  England  .  .  .  shalbe  proscribed  and 
assigned. "  ^^  In  practice  it  worked  out  that,  instead  of  an 
official  called  governor,  there  was  a  deputy  in  the  East 
Parts.  The  first  person  chosen  to  fill  this  position  was  a 
resident  of  Elbing  ' '  and  maryed  in  the  Towne. ' '  *-  Later 
a  certain  William  Barker  filled  the  post.^^ 

Even  after  the  granting  of  the  Charter  we  find  the  tend- 
ency still  present  to  give  much  power  to  the  court  on  the 
Continent.  During  the  long  negotiation  between  the  Com- 
pany and  the  town  of  Elbing  and  the  King  of  Poland,  the 
deputy  and  his  court  at  Elbing  had  great  influence  in 
steering  the  course  of  those  negotiations.^*  Later  in  the 
century  it  showed  great  activity  in  the  exercise  of  the  ju- 
dicial function.  During  a  period  of  about  sixty  weeks 
from  October  31,  1600,  to  December,  1601,  there  were  held 
at  Elbing  thirty  "seuerall  courtes  of  Assistantes, "  an  av- 

80  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  131,  No.  70. 

81  Ibid. 

82  S.   P.,   Poland,   I,   No.    11. 

S3  Cottonian,  Nero  B.  II,  f.  202  b. 

8*  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  Herbert  to  Walsingham, 
August  5-15,  1584;   Cottonian,  Vespasian  F.  XII,  f.  145. 


THE  EASTLAND  COMPANY  269 

age  of  one  a  fortnight,  and  during  the  same  period  there 

ere  twenty-five  "seuerall  Courtes  and  assemblies  of  Com- 
;ties"  of  the  "most  Auncient  and  discreet  brethren  of 
'  Comp :  there  residinge. "  At  these  meetings  important 
ases  came  up  for  settlement;  allegations,  proofs,  accounts, 
Lepositions,  protests,  and  exceptions  were  produced  and 
leard,  evidence  was  weighed  and  decisions  were  reached 
»y  a  majority  vote  of  those  present. ^^ 

It  is  obvious  that  if  this  organization  was  to  be  really 
ffective  in  the  government  of  the  Eastland  trade,  its  pow- 
;rs  must  go  beyond  its  own  membership  and  outside  the 
•ealm  of  England.  Accordingly  we  find  the  charter  be- 
towing  upon  it  the  authority  to  execute  its  laws  upon 

embers  and  outsiders  alike,  both  in  England  and  the 
East  countries.  "Wherefore  we  for  us  our  heires  and 
ucccssours  doe  straightlye  charge  and  coiTiaunde  aswell  all 
nd  singuler  marchauntes  of  the  said  Eellowshipp  and 
evye  of  them  as  also  all  other  psons  which  be  not  nowe 
of  the  said  Fellowshipp  nor  hereafter  shalbe  and  usinge 
or    tradinge    the    partes    of    Easteland    aforesiiid     .     .     . 

85  Lansflowne  160^  f.  179.  In  connection  with  tlic  question  of  meet- 
lings  conies  tlie  point  of  meeting  places.  In  Elhing  the  X?^)mpany 
owned  buihlings  which  were  erected  on  land  given  them  by  the 
town.  (C'ottonian  Calla  D  XTII,  f.  42  b.)  These  are  still  standing. 
But  in  regard  to  the  meeting  place  of  the  Society  in  London,  the 
records  have  so  far  failed  to  yield  inforuuxtion.  A  clue,  perhaps,  is 
given  in  R.  G.  L.,  Repertory  23,  f.  573:  "yt  is  ordred  yt  fa  committee 
of  aldermen]  shall  this  afternoone  treate  wth  the  deputye  and  As- 
sistants of  the  Companye  of  nKchaunts  trading  wth  tiie  Kaste  Con- 
treyes  at  the  founders  hall  for  provisyon  of  eorne  a?id  grayne  to  \>c. 
brought  to  this  citty  frtmi  ye  parts  bcyonde  the  Seas."  It  is  possible 
that  P'oundcr's  Hall  was  the  regular  meeting  place  of  the  Company. 
There  would  be  nothing  strange  about  it  if  they  had  met  there  since 
Stow  tells  us  (I,  p.  283)  it  was  "a  projior  House"  in  C'olenuin  street 
ward  near  Rasingiiall  street,  in  tiie  neighborhood  of  "fayre  and 
large  houses  for  marchauntes."  This  was  within  a  stone's  throw 
of  the  r.uildliall.  On  the  other  hand  it  is  quite  as  possible  that  this 
conference  of  the  Company  with  the  Aldermen  may  liavc  been  es- 
pecially arranged  to  meet  at  Founder's  Hall. 


270  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

that  they  and  evye  of  them  be  obediente  unto  all  the  said  ' 
statutes  lawes  and  ordynnces  and  that  they  and  evye 
of  them  be  and  contynewe  under  the  rule  and  governe- 
mente  of  the  said  Governour  or  Govemours  his  or  their 
deputye  or  deputyes  and  the  said  assistauntes  or  the  greater 
parte  of  them  then  psente  and  to  them  shalbe  obedyente 
in  the  execucyon  of  the  said  statutes  actes  and  ordynnces 
and  evye  of  them  as  is  aforesaid  to  be  made. ' '  ®* 

A  power  bestowed  exclusively  upon  the  governing  body 
is  that  of  taxation.  It  is  provided  that  "  the  said  Gover- 
nour or  his  deputye  .  .  .  and  assistauntes  shall  have 
full  and  whole  power  and  auctoritie  to  j^mpose  and  taxe  all 
reasonable  imposycyons  and  somes  of  money  ^Tiatsoevere 
aswell  upon  the  parsons  tradinge  into  the  said  Countryes 
of  Eastelande  as  also  upon  the  marchaundyze  to  be  trans- 
ported and  carryed  into  the  said  Countryes  of  Eastland 
and  Polland  and  other  the  domynyons  afforesaid  .  .  . 
eyther  by  water  or  lande  or  to  be  broughte  by  any  our 
sujectes  from  thence  suche  taxe  iraposicions  and  somes  of 
money  boothe  on  the  goodes  and  vessells  Wherein  such 
goodes  are  transported  as  to  them  shall  seme  necessarye 
and  convenyente  for  the  supportacyon  mayntenaunce  and 
good  governemente  of  the  said  fellowshipp  and  to  be  ym- 
ployed  onely  for  the  benyfji;t  and  comodytye  of  the  same 
companye  and  not  otherwyse"^^     .     .     . 

To  make  this  control  of  the  Company  over  the  Eastland 
trade  still  more  real,  the  organization  was  given  not  only 
the  right  to  pass  acts  and  ordinances  but  the  "authorite 
to  sequester,  committ  and  fine  the  transgressours 
thereof";*®  and  in  September  of  1580  it  was  decided  by 
the  PrivA'  Council  that  there  should  be  no  appeal  to  the 
higher  English  Courts  from  the  decisions  of  the  Court  of 

86  A.  and  O.,  p.  146. 

87  Ibid. 

88  A.  P.  C,  XII,  p.  207. 


THE  EASTLAND  COMPANY  271 

he  Company. *°  As  we  have  already  seen  the  Court  at 
]i!)ing  -was  active  in  the  judicial  side  of  the  Government 
if  the  Company. 

Ik'sides  these  large  serai-political  powers  the  government 
rave  the  Company  certain  smaller  concessions.  The  mem- 
xrs  as  a  whole  had  the  right  to  export  yearly  two  hun- 
Iri'd  white  cloths,  though  at  this  time  it  was  lawful  to 
'xport  only  colored  cloths.""  It  was  said  later  that  this 
exception  was  to  provide  for  the  demand  of  white  cloths 
IS  "weeds"  for  men  of  religious  societies  in  the  East 
i\irts.®^  These  cloths,  however,  had  to  be  dressed  accord- 
ini^  to  the  laws  of  the  realm.®"  Furthermore  the  individ- 
ual merchants  were  permitted  "to  carrj^e  and  take  With 
thcym  in  their  purses  the  some  of  tenne  poundes  of  cur- 
r;u I nt  money  of  Englande  Without  any  forfeyture  or  pen- 
altie  whatsoev. "  ®- 

Such,  then,  were  the  monopoly,  organization  and  privi- 
leires  of  the  Eastland  Company.  Its  territory  was  exten- 
sive, its  organization  definite  and  its  privileges  large.  But 
after  all,  the  importance  of  these  concessions  to  any  one 
member  depended  upon  the  number  of  persons  who  should 
be  allowed  to  enjoy  them.  As  we  have  seen  the  charter 
provided  that  practically  all  merchants  except  artificers, 
handicraftsmen  and  retailers,  who  paid  the  appropriate 
entrance  fee  were  eligible  for  membership  and  the  com- 
pany had  to  admit  them. 

During  the  first  year  of  the   Company's  existence,   it 

made  a  determined  effort  to  exflude  at  least  some  pereons 

through  a  peculiar  interpretation  of  the  Charter.     It  was 

held  that  a  person  who  was  both  a  Merchant  Adventurer 

and  a  "merchant  trading  Spain"  should  not  be  considered 

a  "  mere  Merchaunte  of  either  of  the  said  Societies,  and 

89  A.  P.  C,  XII,  p.  207. 
80  A.  and  O.,  p.  149. 

01  Sloane  25,  f.  5. 

02  A.   and  0.,   p.   151, 


272  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

so  by  the  wordes  of  theire  corporacion  not  to  be  admitted, 
which  onlie  pretendeth  for  suche  her  Majesties  subjectes 
as  be  mere  Merchauntes  Adventurers  of  Englande  and 
mere  marchauntes  trading  Spaigne  and  Portingall. "  ^^ 
The  question  came  up  before  the  Privy  Council,  where, 
after  consultation  with  the  Master  of  the  Rolls,  the  Attor- 
ney-General and  the  two  Chief  Justices,^*  it  was  decided 
that  the  narrow  definition  of  a  "  mere  marehaunt ' '  put  f or- 
Avard  by  the  Company  "was  rather  a  cavell  in  effectt  then 
of  moment  to  debarre  anie  merchant  of  the  said  Compa- 
nies of  Marchauntes  Adventurers  and  Merchauntes  trad- 
ing Spaigne  and  Portingall  from  being  admitted  into 
theire  said  Companie. ' '  ^^  Naturally  the  Eastland  Mer- 
chants had  to  withdraw  their  objections  to  the  entrance 
of  that  class  of  candidates.^''  The  Council  further  com- 
manded the  Company  to  extend  the  period  three  months 
for  these  persons  to  come  in  upon  the  special  entrance  fee 
of  ten  pounds,  since  the  year  allowed  in  the  charter  had 
almost  elapsed.^^  Now  the  Eastland  Merchants  proved 
quite  submissive  and  only  meekly  suggested  to  the  Coun- 
cil that,  since  these  persons  were  to  be  admitted  to  the 
benefits,  it  would  be  only  fair  if  they  were  made  to  help 
bear  the  initial  expenses  of  organizing  the  Company.  The 
Council  promised  to  look  into  the  matter, '^^  but  whether 
it  ever  did  so  or  not,  we  have  no  means  of  knowing. 

In  general,  the  Eastland  Merchants  considered  that  their 
Company  was  very  easy  of  access.  In  1602  they  main- 
tained that  "any  mchantt  for  a  small  some  of  money  may 
be  free  w'^  vs  (yf  other  of  their  trade  decay)  by  a 
proviso    in    her    ma"^^    charter. ' '  ^*     And,    indeed,    there 

83  A.  P.  C,  XII,  p.  146. 

84  Ibid. 

85  A.  p.  C,  XII,  p.   110. 

86  A.  p.  C,  XII,  p.  111. 

87  A.  p.  C,  XII,  p.  149. 

88  Hid. 

88  Sloane  25,  f .  6  b. 


THE  EASTLAND  CO:\IPANY  273 

was  probably  much  truth  in  their  assertion.  In  spite  of 
their  trading  place  being  somewhat  distant  and  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  they  labored  under  many  disadvantages, 
by  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century  they  could  claim  al- 
most as  many  members  as  the  Merchant  Adventurers. 
Said  they,  "as  the  said  advenn''  be  many  in  nomber  so 
be  we  also, ' '  ^°^  and  as  for  the  question  of  navigation  ' '  we 
think  they  will  confesse  that  before  this  decay  of  our 
trade,"  by  which  the  annual  export  of  cloths  had  de- 
creased 6000,  "we  haue  mainteyned  many  more  shipping 
then  they  euer  did,  and  yett  doe  as  many  or  rather  more 
than  thadven""  now  doe."^"^ 

It  seems  perfectly  evident  that  an  organization  as  pow- 
erful as  this  one  and  one  that  arose  as  it  did  out  of  an 
international  problem,  should  bear  a  close  relation  to  the 
English  government.  Some  phases  of  this  relationship 
come  out  in  connection  with  pirac}',  others  in  connection 
with  interlopers  and  still  others  in  connection  with  the  dip- 
lomatic activities  of  the  time. 

In  view  of  the  circumstances  which  led  to  the  forma- 
tion of  the  Company,  it  is  interesting  to  find  out  how  far 
the  English  government  was  able  to  put  onto  the  shoul- 
ders of  the  merchants  the  solution  of  the  problem  of 
piracy  and  its  complications  in  Denmark.  In  the  first 
place  the  government  lost  no  time  in  using  the  Company. 
Hardly  had  the  charter  been  granted  before  the  Council 
levied  a  collection  upon  them  "for  the  answering  of  one 
of  the  King  of  Denmarkes  subjeetes. "  ^°-  The  Company 
rose  to  the  occasion  and  paid  £505  7s.  lOd.  to  the  victims 
of  Hicks  and  Callice.^"^  By  November  18,  1579,  it  was 
able  to  secure  "  A  generall  acquittance  made  by  Thomas 

100  Sloane,  f.  6  b.  Wheeler  estimates  that  at  this  time  there  were 
3500  iferchant  Adventurers.     Wheeler,  p.  57. 

101  Sloane  25,  f.  6  b. 

102  A.  Y.  C,  XI,  p.   247. 

103  A.  P.  C,  XI,  p.  301. 


274  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

Tynnacre,  attorney  for  certen  subjectes  of  the  King  of 
Denmarke  in  a  cause  of  depredacion,  and  delivered  unto 
the  merchauntes  of  London  trading  to  the  Easte  Partes, 
testifieng  a  full  satisfaction  and  discharge  of  all  suche 
losses  as  the  subjectes  of  the  said  King  in  this  case  had 
sustayned. "  ^"^ 

In  1586  occurred  a  peculiar  case  of  piracy  and  indemni- 
fication. Martin  Snering,  a  Dane,  suffered  the  loss  of  his 
ship,  "  laden  cheifiie  with  corne  and  other  merchaun- 
dyzes, "  at  the  hands  of  the  pirate,  Diggory  Piper.^^^ 
The  Privy  Council  ordered  that  the  losses  be  appraised 
by  John  Foxall  and  William  Watson,  two  members  of  the 
Eastland  Company,  and  Herman  Langerman  and  Yohanne 
Wonock,  two  '*  merchant  strangers."  This  commission 
appraised  the  grain  on  the  basis  of  the  current  price  which 
at  this  time  was  very  high  in  England,  ''and  not  as  yt 
was  worthe  at  the  tyme  of  the  spoile  comytted. ' '  ^°^  This 
made  the  indemnification  for  the  merchandise  amount  "to 
a  double  value  over  then  they  were  worth  to  have  byn 
sold  where  the  same  were  taken.  "^°^  The  English  must 
have  refused  or  delayed  paying  this  inflated  indemnity 
and  matters  took  their  usual  course.  Goods  of  the  Eng- 
lish merchants  were  "stayed  in  Denmark  to  the  value  of 
the  praysement. ' '  ^^^  This  was  a  serious  matter  and  the 
Council  again  intervened.  January  2,  1587,  a  letter  was 
sent  to  the  Judge  of  the  Admiralty  instructing  him  to  call 
the  appraisers  and  the  Governor  of  the  Eastland  Com- 
pany before  him,  "dulie  to  consyder  the  qualities  of  those 
merchandize,  and  uppon  their  othe  to  value  the  same  with 
all  indj^ffereneie,  that  our  merchantes  maye  not  be 
charged  to  make  restitucion  of  a  greater  somme  then  the 

104  A.  P.  c,  XI,  p.  300. 

105  A.  p.  C,  XIV,  p.  271. 

106  iMd. 

107  IMd. 

108  IMd. 


THE  EASTLAND  COIilPANY  275 

goodes  spoiled  did  amount  unto. ' '  ^^^  No  evidence  is 
available  as  to  the  outcome  of  this  new  investigation  by 
the  Judge  of  the  Admiralty  Court  with  the  aid  of  the 
Governor  of  the  Eastland  Company.  However,  this  frag- 
ment of  the  story  shows  how  close  were  the  relations  be- 
tween the  government  and  the  Company  in  regard  to  this 
matter  of  piracy.  Besides  taking  it  quite  for  granted  that 
the  merchants  will  pay  the  indemnity  once  it  is  properly 
adjusted  as  to  the  amount,  the  government  used  first  the 
members  of  the  Company  and  then  the  Governor  of  it  as 
experts,  as  doubtless  they  were,  in  the  settlement  of  the 
case. 

So  far  we  have  seen  only  one  side  of  the  question.  All 
we  have  seen  so  far  has  been  the  government  forcing  the 
merchants  to  meet  the  demand  of  the  injured  Danes.  It 
remains  to  be  shown  how  the  government  aided  the  mer- 
chants to  recoup  themselves  for  at  least  some  of  these 
losses.  This  can  best  be  illustrated  by  another  case  aris- 
ing out  of  the  depredations  of  the  above-mentioned  Dig- 
gory  Piper.  In  1588,  after  a  period  of  piratical  activity 
on  the  part  of  that  energetic  corsair,  the  goods  of  the  Eng- 
lish merchants  were  again  stopped  in  the  Sound.  The 
Eastland  merchants  paid  the  sums  demanded  for  the  re- 
demption of  their  goods.  Then  they  set  out  to  procure 
some  indemnification  for  their  losses.  They  did  not  spare 
expense  "as  well  ...  in  the  Admyraltie  Court  or 
in  Denmarke. "  They  found  out  that  Piper  had  been 
' '  sett  to  the  seas  in  warlyke  sorte ' '  ^^°  by  a  certain  Josias 
Calmady,  gentleman.  They  then  petitioned  the  Privy 
Council  to  see  to  it  that  Calmady  and  "soche  others  as 
had  bought  the  goodes  taken  by  pyracie"^^^  should  be 
"compelled  accordinge  to  equitie  and  reason  to  aunswer 


109  A.  P.  C,  XIV,  p.  271. 

110  A.  P.  C,  XVI,  p.  12. 

111  A.  P.  C,  XVI,  p.  12. 


276  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

those  sorames  of  monney  for  which  their  goodes  were 
staied  and  arrested. "  ^^^  The  Council  acted  upon  this  pe- 
tition and  demanded  a  forfeiture  of  the  bond  which  Cal- 
mady  made  for  Piper's  good  behavior  when  he  set  out  to 
sea.  When  confronted  with  this  demand,  Calmady  "dyd 
alleadge  the  smalnes  of  his  livinge  to  be  unhable  to  aun- 
swer  that  somme  which  he  stoode  bound  in  for  the  good 
behavyour  of  the  shipp  wherein  Piper  went  to  seas.""^ 
But  the  Eastland  merchants  were  not  to  be  balked  in  their 
efforts  by  such  a  pretext.  They  offered  "to  receave  all 
his  livinge  into  their  handes,  as  well  landes  as  leases  and 
all  other  proffyttes,  to  make  that  [what?]  proffyt  of  the 
same  they  should  be  hable  for  the  space  of  twelve  yeres, 
and  to  yeeld  him  yerely  towardes  his  maintenance  in  the 
meane  season  the  somme  of  two  hundredth  poundes"  (equal 
in  modem  values  to  $5,000).^^*  The  Council  evidently 
sympathized  with  the  merchants,  though  they  did  not 
wish  to  be  too  severe  with  Calmady,  so  they  gave  him  his 
choice  between  the  plan  suggested  by  the  merchants  "or 
els  that  he  shall  give  good  assureaunce  unto  the  said  mer- 
chauntes  to  paie  them  yerely  for  the  space  of  tenn  yeres 
next  ensuinge  .  .  .  towardes  their  repayment  for  soche 
sommes  of  money  as  they  have  dysboursed  for  the  satys- 
fyinge  of  the  Daanes  on  whome  the  pyracie  was  commyt- 
ted. "  Calmady  decided  that  it  would  be  to  his  interest 
to  keep  his  business  affairs  in  his  own  hands,  so  he  ac- 
cepted the  second  alternative.  He  seems  to  have  failed 
to  satisfy  the  merchants,  however,  for  in  June  of  1592 
he  was  summoned  before  the  Council  on  this  same  charge. 
He  was  forthwith  to  "answeare  the  objections  made 
against  him  by  Mr.  Russell  in  the  behalf  of  the  merchantes 
trading  vdthin  the  Sound  before  the  Judge  of  the  Ad- 

112  A.  P.  C,  XVI,  p.  12. 

113  Ibid. 

114  Ibid, 


THE  EASTLAND  COMPANY  277 

miralty"  and  was  "enjoyned  not  to  depart  hence  untill 
he"  had  "put  in  good  security  to  be  forthcomming  at 
all  times  to  answeare  the  premisses  there  according  to 
cours  of  law."  ^^^ 

Not  only  did  the  government  try  to  get  indemnity  for 
money  paid  out  by  these  merchants  in  this  cause,  as  in 
the  Calmady  case,  but  it  tried  to  avoid  their  having  to 
pay  it  out  in  the  first  place.  In  cases  where  blame  could 
be  attached  to  well-to-do  persons  and  they  could  be  made 
to  pay,  the  Council  did  not  hesitate  to  make  them  do  so. 
This  is  illustrated  by  the  case  of  John  Killegrew,  * '  esquier, 
Captaine  of  the  Castle  of  Pendenyce. ' '  "*^  This  gentle- 
man seems  to  have  become  implicated  in  much  the  same 
way  as  Calmady.  He  was  asked  by  the  Council  to  an- 
swer to  the  amount  of  £440.  He  promised  to  pay  it  in 
February  of  1588.  When  that  time  came  he  alleged  that 
he  had  "taken  order  with  a  certaine  merchaunt  of  South- 
ampton to  dyschardg  the  said  somme. "  Now  it  was 
known  that  this  merchant  could  not  meet  the  obligation 
and  therefore  the  Council  concluded  that  the  "said  John 
Killygrewe  dothe  but  seeke  delaies. "  The  situation  was 
crucial  with  the  Eastland  Merchants.  Spring  was  ap- 
proaching, they  would  soon  be  ready  to  send  out  their 
ships  but  they  dared  not  "use  their  acciLstomed  trafficke 
for  feare  of  arrestes"  that  were  threatened  "to  be  made 
of  their  goodes  by  the  Kinge  of  Denmarke  for  the  indem- 
nytie  of  his  subjectes. "  ^^^  This  led  the  Council  to  take 
drastic  measures.  On  April  10,  1588,  a  warrant  was  dis- 
patched to  the  Sheriff  of  Cornwall  "to  apprehend  the 
said  Killygrewe,  and  to  see  Iiim  sent  upp  hether  before 
their  Lordships  to  answer  his  breache  of  promyse  and  con- 
tempt in  not  repairynge  hether,  beinge  sent  for  by  their 

115  A.  P.  C.  XXII,  p.  538. 
110  A.  P.  C,  XVI,  p.  13. 
117  A.  P.  C,  XVI,  p.  14. 


278  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

Lordships'  commaunderaent,  as  also  to  take  order  to  make 
present  paiment  of  the  said  somrae  of  monney. "  ^^' 

Sometimes  the  Council  called  upon  the  company  merely 
to  loan  money  to  persons  who  were  held  to  pay  indemnity 
to  the  Danes  but  who  were  unable  to  meet  their  obligations 
at  a  certain  time.  Such  was  the  Seymour  case  which  arose 
in  1589.  Edward  Seymour  was  held  to  pay  £350  to  Gas- 
per Primer,  a  subject  of  the  King  of  Denmark.  He  paid 
£198  but  seems  to  have  been  unable  to  raise  the  remaining 
£152  by  the  appointed  time.  This  being  the  case,  the 
Council  wrote  to  the  Eastland  Company  requiring  them 
to  advance  that  amount  as  a  loan  to  Seymour.  In  the  let- 
ter to  the  company,  it  was  very  carefully  set  forth  that 
SejTuour  promised  "to  aunswer  such  reasonnable  interest 
for  the  loane  thereof  as  should  be  demaunded  for  the 
same";  ^^^  and  their  Lordships  promised  that  they  "would 
at  all  times  afford  them  their  best  furthraunce  and  fauvour 
in  compelling  him  to  observe  such  condicions  as  he  offred 
to  be  bound  unto."  But  however  careful  the  government 
might  be  to  see  that  justice  was  done  in  these  matters,  still 
the  merchants  were  considerably  burdened.  In  August, 
1602,  they  complained  that  "many  thousands  of  pounds 
haue  bin  taken  from  vs,  without  anie  redresse"  to  make 
good  the  losses  suffered  by  the  Danes  on  account  of  the 
English  pirates.^-" 

In  general  it  can  be  said  that  the  Eastland  Company 
did  not  relieve  the  government  of  responsibilitj'  in  meet- 
ing the  problem  of  indemnification  for  piracy.  The  Pri\^ 
Council,  the  Admiralty  Court,  and  the  Court  of  Requests 
were  the  foremost  agencies  in  adjusting  the  disputes  that 
came  up  in  consequence  of  the  depredations  of  English 
pirates  upon  the  Danes.     In  critical  times,   however,  the 


118  A.  P.  C,  XVI,  p.    14. 

119  A.  P.  C,  XVIII,  p.  44. 

120  Cottonian,  Nero  B  V,  f. 


53. 


THE  EASTLAND  COMPANY  279 

company  was  used  to  relieve  the  situation,  through  its 
furnishing  money  or  advancing  it  temporarily  to  meet 
these  demands. 

Besides  the  drain  on  the  Company  to  pay  the  Danes,  it 
was  occasionally  taxed  by  the  penurious  government  of 
Elizabeth  for  other  things  of  consequence  to  its  trade. 
For  instance  in  1601  we  hear  of  its  being  assessed  five 
marks  to  pay  to  the  ''Clarke  of  the  Crowne  in  the  Chaun- 
eerye  the  Purseuance  and  oth""  offic^^  for  sondry  pclay- 
macons  and  writts  to  be  directed  to  the  ^Maio""  Sheriffs  and 
Bayleffs  of  the  severall  counties  &  corporacons  w^^'in  the 
Countyes  of  Norff  Suff  and  Essex  towching  the  true  and 
lawfull  making  of  divers  sorts  of  clothes.  "^^^ 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Eastland  Company  was 
given  complete  control  over  the  Baltic  trade  in  so  far  as 
Englishmen  were  concerned  in  it.  But  in  the  beginning 
it  was  necessary  for  the  government  to  aid  the  Company 
in  establishing  its  monopoly.  After  the  organization  had 
been  in  existence  some  months  and  had  chosen  Elbing  in 
Poland  as  its  "IMart-town,"  the  Council  sent  letters  to 
the  customers  and  officers  of  the  ports  of  London,  Hull, 
Newcastle,  Ipswich  and  Lynn  instructing  them  to  see  to  it 
"that  no  shipp  doe  pas.se  owt  of  thoase  portes  under  their 
offices  towardes  Eastland,  unle.sse  tliey  first  take  bandes  of 
them  in  good  sommes  according  to  the  valew  of  their  mer- 
chandize, to  her  Majesties  use,  that  they  shall  discharge 
their  marehandizos  only  at  Elbing."^--  This  step  seems 
at  first  not  to  have  been  completely  effective  in  preventing 
"unorderly  trading"  and  the  company  was  forced  to  ap- 
peal to  the  crown.  October  2,  1580,  the  Queen  ordered 
that  the  clause  in  the  charter  denying  appeal  from  the  de- 
cisions of  the  Company  to  other  courts,  should  be  rigidly 
enforced  and  she  forbade  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  and  the 

121  R.  G.  L.,  Repertory  25,  f.  207  b. 

122  A.  P.  C,  XI,  p.  378. 


280  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

rest  of  the  Justices  "of  her  Majesties  Benche"  to  take 
cognizance  of  any  such  cases. ^-^ 

The  problem  of  the  interloper  seems  to  have  confronted 
the  Company  more  or  less  frequently.  In  1591  it  was  re- 
ported to  the  Council  that  there  were  "divers  froward 
persons  in  sondrie  partes  of  this  realme  which  doe  refuse 
to  conforme  their  selves  to  such  governement  and  order  as 
hath  ben  established  by  the  said  Governour,  Assistantes 
and  Fellowship  bye  vertue  of  her  Majesty's  charter."  On 
December  29th  of  that  year  the  Council  instructed  one  of 
the  messengers  of  her  Majesty's  Chamber  "to  repaier  to 
all  such  places  as  the  said  Governour  or  Deputie  and  As- 
sistance of  the  Companie  shall  from  tyme  to  tyme  bj'  yrcit- 
ing  under  their  common  scale  signifie  unto  him,  and  that 
he  shall  will  and  comande  all  such  persons  so  offending 
to  make  their  undelaied  repaires  with  him  to  London  by 
such  tyme  as  shalbe  limitted  by  the  Governour  or  Deputie 
and  Assistantes  and  Fellowshipp,  to  answere  to  such  matter 
as  they  shalbe  charged  withall."^-*  In  1597  the  Company 
made  similar  complaints  and  the  Council  took  the  same 
measures  to  guarantee  the  monopoly .^^^ 

It  was  not  only  at  home  that  the  Company  needed  the 
assistance  of  the  government  if  it  were  to  maintain  a  suc- 
cessful trade  to  the  Baltic.  There  was  another  and  more 
important  element  in  the  situation.  This  was  the  attitude 
of  the  government  and  municipalities  in  the  East  Coun- 
tries. Should  these  decide  to  follow  the  policy  of  Spain 
in  the  Netherlands,  the  Eastland  Company  would  fare  no 
better  than  the  ]\Ierchant  Adventurers  in  Antwerp.  In 
order  to  prevent  such  a  misfortune,  the  Company  did  not 
depend  merelj^  upon  the  local  desire  for  trade  nor  upon 
its  own  efforts  to  secure  its  position  abroad.     It  sought  to 

123  A.  P.  C,  XII,  p.  207. 

124  A.  P.  C,  XXII,  p.   132-133. 

125  A.  P.  C,  XXVII,  p.  331. 


THE  EASTLAND  COMPANY  281 

make  its  interests,  national  interests,  as  in  a  measure  they 
were,  and  to  use  the  prestige  and  power  of  the  English 
government  to  aid  it  in  gaining  a  foothold  in  the  East 
Country,  in  trying  to  curb  the  Danes  in  their  policy  of 
exaction  at  the  Sound  and  in  securing  redress  for  the 
wrongs  committed  against  its  merchants. 

The  government,  on  the  other  hand,  seems  to  have  been 
quite  ready  and  willing  to  help  the  Company.  In  fact 
before  the  charter  was  granted  the  Queen  wrote  to  Fred- 
erick of  Denmark  asking  him  for  his  sanction  of  the  com- 
pany about  to  be  created.^-'*  A  year  later  she  -^vTOte  re- 
questing free  passage  through  the  Sound  for  the  East- 
land ]\Ierchants.*-^  In  August  of  1580  she  sent  Dr.  John 
Rogers  into  Denmark  and  Poland  for  the  express  purpose 
of  securing  redress  for  grievances  and  of  procuring  "some 
satisfaction  to  the  parties  damnified,"  ^-'^  as  well  as  "for 
causes  of  the  Easte-land  ^Merchauntes  to  the  Kinge  of 
Pollonia,  his  Magistrates  of  Elbing,  etc."^29  j^  1533 
John  Herbert  was  sent  to  Poland  to  look  after  the  inter- 
ests of  the  merchants  there. 

In  1586  the  Company  petitioned  the  government  to  urge 

the  King  of  Denmark  concerning  their  great  losses  and 

also  for  the  better  safety  of  their  goods  against  the  strict 

laws  of  that  country.""     That  same  year  Daniel  Rogers 

was  sent  to  Denmark  in  behalf  of  the  merchants."^     In 

1588  he  was  sent  again  at  the  death  of  Frederick  II  and 

again  he  made  efforts  to  better  conditions  for  the  English 

traders.'^-     In    fact    throughout   the    rest    of    Elizabeth's 

reign   there   were    periodical    negotiations  with   Denmark 

i2«ITarlt"ian  4943,  f.  73. 

1-"  4f3tli  Kep.  Dep.  Keeper  of  Rec,  App.  11,  p.  25. 

128  A.  P.  C,  XII,  p.  158. 

129  A.  P.  C,  XIII,  p.  401. 

130  C.  S.  P.,  Dora.,  1581-1590,  pp.  329  ami  337. 

131  Cat.  Cottonian  MSS.,  p.   213. 

132  Cat.  Landsdowne  MSS.,  Pt.  I,  p.  107 ;  Camden,  History  of  Eliza- 
beth, Queen  of  England,  London,  1688,  p.  421. 


282  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

upon  a  group  of  differences  which  had  arisen  between  the 
two  countries;  and  in  each  negotiation  the  question  of 
greater  privileges  for  the  merchants  and  indemnity  for 
the  losses  they  had  sustained,  was  taken  up  by  the  Eng- 
lish negotiators. 

In  1594  the  Company  applied  to  Lord  Burghley  for 
the  Queen's  protection  against  the  Dantzigers  w^ho 
were  trying  to  get  permission  from  the  King  of  Po- 
land to  arrest  English  goods  in  reprisal  for  damages  sus- 
tained by  them  at  the  hands  of  her  Majesty's  seamen.^^^ 
In  general  it  seems  clear  that  the  Company  looked  to  the 
government  to  champion  its  cause  abroad  and  it  is  also 
clear  that  the  government  willingly  consented  to  enter 
the  lists  in  its  behalf. 

But  however  much  the  government  might  like  to  see  the 
merchants  prosper,  it  was  not  willing  to  expend  anything 
more  than  time  and  influence  to  aid  them.  The  merchants 
had  to  meet  the  actual  expenses  of  embassies  and  missions 
wherein  their  interests  were  involved.  This  is  illustrated 
in  the  case  of  Dr.  John  Rogers,  who  was  "with  authoritye 
from  her  Majestic  employed  for  causes  of  the  Easte-land 
Merchauntes  to  the  Kinge  of  Pollonia,  his  ^Magistrates  of 
Elbing,  etc.,  at  the  charges  of  the  said  marchauntes. ' '  "* 
Once  in  a  moment  of  extraordinary  generosity  the  Queen 
agi'eed  to  pay  half  the  expenses  of  an  emissary  to  Dantzig, 
if  the  Company  would  pay  the  other  half  "by  an  imposi- 
tion, with  their  consents  to  be  laid  on  their  cloths,  to  raise 
the  same  moiety;  for  the  company  is  so  poor  as  it  will  be 
hard  for  them  to  bear  the  whole  charge  or  the  one  half 
by  other  means  than  some  such  course.""^  (December 
23,  1594).  In  July  of  1597  when  an  ambassador  from  the 
King  of  Poland  was  expected,  the  Council  wrote  to  the 

133  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Report  on  Hatfield  House  MSS.,  V.,  pp.  16-17. 

134  A.  P.  C,  XIII,  p.  401. 

135  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Rep.  on  Hatfield  House  MSS.,  V,  p.  46. 


THE  EASTLAND  COIVIPANY  283 

Lord  Mayor  concerning  accommodations  for  him.  The  let- 
ter set  forth,  "her  I\Iajesty's  pleasure  is  that  your  Lord- 
ship shall  cause  some  convenient  citizen's  house  that  hathe 
good  furniture  in  yt  to  be  prepared  and  made  ready  in 
London  M'here  he  male  be  lodged  and  received  for  the 
tyme  he  shall  make  his  aboad  here,  whereof  we  praie  you 
to  have  care  and  to  eertefy  us  what  house  you  shall 
thineke  meet  for  that  purpose.  We  thincke  yt  fitt  yf 
there  be  any  Dantzick  merchante's  house  that  shalbe  con- 
venient that  he  maie  be  there  placed.  "^^® 

Occasionally  when  the  government  prepared  an  embas- 
sage that  was  to  take  care  of  the  interests  of  two  or  three 
companies,  it  levied  upon  all  of  them  for  a  contribution 
toward  paying  the  expenses.  In  1600  when  there  was  to 
be  a  formal  negotiation  with  Denmark,  the  Council  wrote 
to  the  Merchant  Adventurers,  the  IMuscovy  Company  and 
the  Eastland  IMerchants.  Each  company  was  informed 
that  ''  ...  her  jMajesty  is  at  this  presente  to  send 
Commissioners  unto  the  cyttye  of  Embden  to  meete  there 
with  other  that  are  sent  from  the  King  of  Denmarke  to 
treate  of  all  matters  that  shall  concerne  the  trafficque  of 
your  Companye  and  other  her  Majesty's  merchauntes  that 
trade  into  the  East  partes,  and  also  the  entercourse  to 
Embden,  and  to  establishe  some  good  order  for  the  good 
of  you  and  other  her  Majesty's  merchauntes.  Forasmuch 
as  this  negotiacion  doth  concerne  you  in  your  trafificque 
and  trade,  and  [it]  is  intended  that  three  Commyssion- 
ers  shalbe  sent  thither,  being  chosen  of  persons  of  honour, 
gravitye  and  learning,  her  Majesty's  pleasure  is  you  shall 
conferre  amongst  yourselves  of  some  course  to  be  taken 
by  way  of  contribucion  to  leavye  such  a  somme  of  money 
as  may  serve  for  the  defraying  of  parte  of  the  charges  of 
those  Commyssioners,  wherein  expedicion  is  to  be  used 
because  the  appointed  time  of  the  meeting  wilbe  shortly 

136  A.  P.  C,  XXVII,  pp.  302-3. 


284  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

at  hand  .  .  .  You  must  also  have  care  to  provide  ship- 
ping to  serve  for  theire  transportaeion."  ^^'^ 

Although  the  government  saw  to  it  that  the  merchants 
helped  bear  the  burden  of  expense  in  these  affairs,  it  was 
no  less  active  in  preventing  them  from  wasting  their  sub- 
stance. On  the  day  after  the  Council  wrote  to  the  Lord 
Mayor  about  accommodations  for  the  Polish  ambassador, 
mentioned  above,  an  audience  was  accorded  that  function- 
ary. On  that  occasion  he  behaved  with  such  unprece- 
dented discourtesy  toward  the  Queen  and  made  such 
threats  against  the  English  merchants  in  Poland  that  a 
letter  was  immediately  despatched  to  the  Governor  of  the 
Eastland  Company  "to  make  knowne  to  the  merchantes 
that  trade  to  Dantzick  or  to  anie  other  partes  in  the  East 
Contries  that  they  forbeare  all  offices  of  ceremony  towarde 
him,  as  of  vysitacion,  sending  presentes  or  what  soever  else 
of  like  gratificacion  untill  you  shall  receive  further  direc- 
tion from  us  in  that  behalf.  Wherein  we  praie  you  to  take 
speedy  order."  ^^^ 

As  for  actual  trading  operations  between  the  Company 
and  the  government,  such  were  impossible  since  this  was  a 
regulated  company  and  all  the  buying  and  selling  was 
done  by  individuals.  The  government  seems  to  have  en- 
trusted the  purchasing  of  supplies  for  the  navy  to  one 
individual  who  under  Mary  and  Elizabeth  is  mentioned 
as  the  "Queen's  merchant  for  Danske. "  In  Marj^'s  reign 
William  Watson  occupied  the  position.  Upon  his  death 
in  December  of  1559  ^^'-^  Thomas  Allen  succeeded  to  the 
post,  which  he  held  until  1603.  In  the  eighties  he  is 
enumerated  among  the  officers  of  the  navy  and  at  that 
time  he  is  credited  with  receiving  the  modest  remunera- 

137  A.  P.  C,  XXX,  p.  195. 

138  A.  P.  C,  XXVII,  p.  307. 

130  Nicholas,  The  Diary  of  Henry  Machyn,  Citizen  and  Merchant- 
Taylor  of  London,  Camden  Society,  XLII,  1847,  p.  218. 


THE  EASTLAND  COMPANY  285 

tion  of  £30  per  annum  for  his  services.""  Doubtless  he 
did  not  rely  upon  that  for  his  sole  income.  He  was  a 
charter  member  of  the  Eastland  Company  which  would 
seem  to  indicate  that  he  was  a  merchant  of  some  mean? 
and  influence. 

Just  how  much  was  left  to  Allen's  discretion  in  the  ex- 
ercise of  his  office  is  somewhat  uncertain.  In  the  sixties 
he  seems  to  have  been  little  more  than  an  agent.  In 
May  of  1565  the  Queen  wrote  to  Frederick  II  of  Denmark 
asking  for  free  passage  through  the  Sound  for  four  ships 
laden  with  English  cloth  and  rabbit  skins  which  she  was 
sending  with  Thomas  Allen,  to  buy  materials  for  the 
navy."^  As  time  went  on  he  seems  to  have  assumed  more 
responsibility.  In  1572  he  wrote  to  Burghley  that  he  had 
spent  £1800  of  his  own  money  in  the  Queen's  service  in 
rope-making."-  This  must  have  proved  a  not  unprofitable 
investment  for  in  1590  he  advanced  the  still  greater  sum 
of  £3000  from  his  own  funds. ^*^ 

In  May,  1603,  he  was  succeeded  by  Simeon  Furner  "* 
who  in  turn  was  succeeded  by  Francis  Cherry  in  1604."^ 

140  15th  Rep.  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  V,  p.  106. 

141  45th  Rep.  Dep.  Keeper  of  Rec,  App.  II,  p.  23. 

142  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Report  on  Hatfield  House  MSS.,  II,  p.  37. 

143  C.   S.   P.,   Dom.,    1581-1590,   p.   707. 

144  C.  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Add.,  1580-1625,  p.  423. 

145  C.   S,  P.,   Dom.,   1603-1610,  p.   119. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF   THE  EASTLAND   COMPANY  AT   ELBING 

If  the  Eastland  Merchants  were  to  follow  further  the 
program  adopted  by  the  Merchant  Adventurers  to  de- 
velop and  increase  the  English  trade  with  the  Continent, 
then  they  had  merely  begun  their  labors  when  they  ob- 
tained a  charter  from  the  queen.  There  now  remained 
the  equally  essential  and  far  more  delicate  business  of 
securing  concessions  from  the  government  of  the  country 
to  which  they  purposed  to  trade.  For,  after  all,  the  char- 
ter from  the  queen  would  be  of  little  advantage  to  them, 
should  the  foreign  government  choose  to  withhold  its  fa- 
vor. 

And  just  here  arises  the  question  of  what  was  the  gov- 
ernment to  which  the  Eastland  merchants  must  now  sue 
for  favor.  Hitherto,  for  centuries,  the  English  had  re- 
garded the  Hanseatic  League  as  the  ruler  of  the  commerce 
of  the  Baltic.  For  all  practical  purposes  of  trade,  Dantzig 
was  the  real  power  in  Prussia.  The  Treaty  of  Utrecht 
made  by  Edward  IV  with  the  Hanse  in  1473  was  always 
quoted  as  the  document  establishing  the  trading  rights 
of  the  English  in  Prussia.^  It  is  true,  there  were  certain 
old  treaties  made  between  the  English  and  the  Grand 
Masters  of  the  Teutonic  Knights  which  remained  theoret- 
ically in  force.-  It  is  also  true  that  the  English  addressed 
occasional  appeals  in  trade  matters  to  Sigismund  Augus- 
tus, the  King  of  Poland  and  the  overlord  of  Prussia. 
But  the  King,  though  very  courteous  to  Elizabeth,  showed 

1  All  the  English  demands  for  rights  were  based  upon  this  treaty. 
The  sources  for  the  subject  of  English-Hanse  relations  at  this  time 
abound  with  references  to  it. 

as.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.   126,  f.  25. 

286 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  287 

very  little  interest  in  commercial  affairs,  as  well  as  very 
little  inclination  to  antagonize  the  rich  and  haughty 
Dantzig.^  Nevertheless  there  came  a  time  when  the  king- 
ship in  Poland  became  the  determining  factor  in  Polish 
trade  regulations,  w^hen  this  power  was  in  active  opposi- 
tion to  Dantzig  and  indifferent  to  the  interests  of  the 
Hanse.  "With  that  change  came  new  opportunities  of 
which  the  English  merchants,  now  organized,  alert  and 
ambitious,  lost  no  time  in  taking  advantage. 

In  1572  Sigismund  Augustus  died  and  with  him  ended 
the  line  of  the  Ja^iellos  which  had  occupied  the  Polish 
throne  for  two  centuries.  The  next  four  years  saw  in 
Poland  many  turbulent  gatherings  assembled  to  choose  a 
new  king.  After  the  failure  with  Henry  of  Anjou  and 
the  subsequent  incursions  of  the  Tartars  on  the  eastern 
border,  the  electors  proceeded  to  a  more  serious  consid- 
eration of  the  question  of  placing  a  suitable  person  upon 
the  throne.  But,  in  this,  as  in  most  other  matters  which 
came  up  for  decision  in  Poland,  there  was  little  hope  of  a 
unanimous  choice.  The  Senators  of  the  Republic  chose 
the  Hapsburg  Emperor,  Maximilian  II,  while  the  gentry 
of  the  country  declared  for  the  Hungarian  Prince  of 
Transylvania,  Stephan  Bathory.  Then  ensued  a  race  for 
the  coronation  in  which  Bathory,  a  man  of  strength  and 
energy,  as  well  as  one  of  the  ablest  generals  of  his  time, 
had  little  trouble  in  winning  from  his  superannuated  ri- 
val. He  made  his  state  entry  into  Cracow  on  INIarch  23, 
1576,  and  was  crowned  there  on  May  1  of  that  year. 

Through  his  decisive  and  unfaltering  policy  in  the  first 
few  mouths  after  his  coronation,  Bathory  brought  under 
his  domination  all  of  the  heterogeneous  elements  of  which 
Poland  was  composed  at  this  time,  except  the  free  city  of 

3  Perhaps  the  king  was  made  more  reluctant  to  intercede  for  the 
English  because  they  so  persistently  afforded  aid  to  the  Czar,  his 
enemy.  He  sets  forth  his  position  very  well  in  his  letters  found  in 
Cottonian,  Nero  B  11,  ff.  91,  92  and  98. 


288  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

Dantzig.  The  liberty-loving  burghers,  fearing  that  en- 
croachments might  be  made  upon  the  autonomy  of  their 
city,  demanded  of  the  new  king  the  confirmation  of  its 
freedom  and  privileges  and  the  abolition  of  certain  abuses 
before  they  would  acknowledge  his  authority.*  Stephan, 
however,  considered  his  coronation  oath  quite  sufficient  to 
cover  the  case.^  Dantzig,  secretly  aided  by  the  King  of 
Denmark  and  the  Emperor,  held  stoutly  to  its  demands. 
Although  negotiations  went  on  for  several  months,  they 
brought  forth  no  solution  of  the  problem.  At  last  in 
March  of  1577  the  ban,  proclaiming  the  Dantzigers  as  re- 
bellious, was  published,  and  means  devised  for  putting 
down  the  city  by  force."  Then  followed  the  famous  siege 
which  lasted  until  December  of  that  year. 

Although  the  King  resorted  to  arms  in  this  struggle, 
he  realized  that  a  more  effective  way  to  humble  the  proud 
and  wealthy  town  lay  in  an  attack  upon  its  commerce. 
Situated  at  the  western  mouth  of  the  Vistula  it  had,  for  a 
long  time,  served  as  the  depot  through  which  most  of  the 
products  of  the  broad  plains  of  eastern  Europe  had  found 
their  way  to  other  lands.^  And  the  Dantzigers  made  the 
most  of  their  commercially  strategic  position.  They  en- 
forced strictly  the  rule,  adopted  in  most  of  the  Hanse 
Towns,  of  compelling  all  foreign  traders  to  have  dealings 
only  Avith  a  citizen  and  prohibiting  all  trade  of  ''guest 
with  guest."  Even  the  Polish  noblemen  were  not  permit- 
ted to  sell  their  grain  to  foreigners,  a  regulation  under 
which   they  chafed  considerably.^     Now   Stephan,   in  his 

4  Behring,  BeitrUge  zur  Geschichte  der  Stadt  Elbing,  Elbing,  1900, 
p.  2. 

5  Behring,  p.  3. 

6  Behring,  p.  3. 

7  Dantzig  had  not  always  enjoyed  this  advantage.  It  had  been 
created  in  1371  by  a  flood  of  the  Vistula  and  the  formation  of  a  new 
mouth  in  the  vicinity  of  the  town.  Petermann's  Gcogr.  Mittcilun- 
gen,  Vol.  5,  (1905)  pp.  41-42. 

8  Behring,  p.  3. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  289 

''Universal"  of  March  17,  1577,  moved  the  channel  of 
Polish  commerce  from  Dantzig  to  Elbing,  a  port  on  the 
Frische  Haff  near  the  mouth  of  the  Nogat,  the  eastern 
arm  of  the  Vistula.''  This  step  was  soon  followed  by  an- 
other, more  effective  in  attracting  trade  to  the  new  route. 
Induced  by  the  King's  representative  and  by  John  Spren- 
gei,  a  burgrave  of  the  town  who  meditated  upon  the  time 
when  the  geographical  conditions  had  pointed  to  Elbing 
as  the  emporium  of  the  Vistula  system,  Elbing  granted 
free  trade  to  foreigners  and  outsiders  for  a  year.^°  Im- 
mediately trade  responded  to  these  inducements.^^ 

On  the  other  hand,  it  was  to  be  expected  that  Dantzig 
would  try  to  defend  her  trade  as  she  tried  to  defend  her 
walls.  And  for  this  she  had  two  plans  in  mind;  one  to 
cut  off  the  traffic  by  sea  between  Elbing  and  the  rest  of 
Europe  by  sending  out  privateers,  the  other  to  cut  off  the 
river  traffic  between  Elbing  and  the  interior  by  placing 
obstructions  in  the  water  ways  in  her  vicinity. 

To  accomplish  the  first  of  these  aims,  early  in  May  she 
set  two  ships  to  sea  and  a  few  weeks  later  she  added  four 
more.'^  A  prize  commission  was  also  created  to  have  over- 
sight in  these  matters.  Nor  did  this  prove  an  unsuccess- 
ful plan.  From  the  middle  of  July  to  the  first  of  Septem- 
ber seventeen  vessels  were  captured  at  sea  besides  many 
grain  barges  on  the  Vistula.  Occasionally  a  plundering 
expedition  was  carried  through  on  the  Vistula  and  into 
the  Frische  Haff.^'' 

The  second  part  of  the  program,  that  is,  the  obstruc- 
tion of  the  Nogat  River  and  the  port  at  Elbing,  was  con- 
sidered by  the  Dantzigers  as  a  far  more  effective  measure 
than  the  privateers.     It  was  an  exceedingly  concrete  and 

0  Bohring,  p.  3. 

10  Bohring,  p.  4. 

11  Ibid. 

12  Behring,   p.   7. 

13  Ibid. 


290  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

literal  way  not  only  to  force  trade  away  from  Elbing  but 
also  to  compel  it  to  come  back  to  Dantzig;  but  it  was  a 
method  that  appealed  far  more  to  the  hot-headed  masses 
than  to  the  prudent  councillors  and  aldermen  who  always 
kept  in  mind  the  time  when  peace  would  have  to  be  made 
with  the  king."  Repeated  demands  for  the  execution  of 
this  plan  came  during  the  late  spring  and  summer  and 
each  time  they  were  evaded  by  the  town  authorities,  until 
finally  it  was  charged  that  the  delays  were  caused  by  the 
machinations  of  certain  selfish  persons.^^  Coincident  with 
this  charge  came  the  retreat  of  the  besieging  Polish  army, 
whose  frightful  devastations  in  the  surrounding  country 
aroused  the  masses  to  a  pitch  wherewith  the  council  could 
no  longer  cope/*''  Accordingly  on  September  20  the 
Dantzig  fleet,  aided  by  the  Danish  squadron,  making  in  all 
an  armada  of  some  twenty  vessels^  on  board  of  which  were 
two  hundred  German  soldiers,  put  to  sea  with  the  definite 
purpose  of  placing  obstructions  in  the  Nogat  and  the 
Elbing  Rivers  and  of  doing  the  enemies'  places  as  much 
harm  as  possible. ^^ 

The  next  fortnight  saw  the  execution  of  these  plans. 
Although  the  Elbingers  had,  early  in  the  summer,  erected 
a  block-house  at  the  mouth  of  the  Elbing  River  and  in  it 
had  had  quartered  a  company  of  a  hundred  men  ^^  and 
although  the  king  responded  to  their  appeals  for  aid  by 
dispatching  an  able  captain,  Caspar  Bekes,  with  five  hun- 
dred Poles  and  five  hundred  Hungarians,"  yet  the  Dant- 
zigers  were  able  to  carry  out  their  plans.  Entering  the 
Frische  Haff  they  captured  twenty-five  merchant  vessels/" 

1*  Behring,  p.  8. 

15  Ibid. 

16  Behring,  p.  10. 

IT  Behring,  pp.  8  and  18. 

18  Behring,   p.   7. 

IB  Behring,    p.    21. 

20  Behring,  p.  19,  note. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  291 

then  coming  on  towards  Elbing  they  stopped  to  levy 
tribute  upon  the  coast  towns  of  Braunsberg  and  Frauen- 
berg,'^  and  at  last  on  September  26  they  came  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Elbing  River.  For  two  days  they  busied  them- 
selves plundering  the  neighborhood,  burning  granaries  and 
doing  whatever  else  of  damage  they  could.--  On  the  28th 
they  accomplished  the  main  object  of  their  expedition. 
First  sinking  three  small  vessels  in  the  stream  connecting 
Elbing  with  the  Nogat,  thus  cutting  off  the  town  from 
communication  with  ]\Iarienberg  where  the  king  was,  they 
effected  a  landing  near  the  town.-^  While  some  of  the 
Dantzigers  were  engaging  the  Elbing  defense,  others  man- 
aged to  start  such  fires  in  the  granaries  and  lumber  yards 
that  the  whole  town  was  threatened  with  destruction. 
Whereupon  the  Elbing  troops  were  forced  to  withdraw  in 
order  to  help  extinguish  the  flames.-*  The  Dantzigers 
were  then  left  free  to  complete  their  work.  After  de- 
stroying the  bulwark  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  they  pro- 
ceeded to  sink  four  large  sea  ships,  loaded  with  brush, 
sand  and  stone,  beside  a  couple  of  river  barges  at  two 
places  in  the  mouth  of  the  Nogat.-^  Completing  their 
work  by  setting  fire  to  the  block-house  and  several  small 
villages  near-by,  they  blew  their  trumpets,  shot  off  their 
ordnance  and  departed.-" 

But  the  Dantzigers  who  had  been  so  accustomed  to  carry 
things  with  a  high  hand,  had  at  last  overreached  them- 
selves. It  is  true  they  had  carried  through  their  pro- 
gram to  the  last  detail,  but  they  had  also  brought  down 
upon  their  heads  the  enmity  of  those  without  whose  co- 
operation they  could  not  hold  their  position  as  absolute 

21  Ibid. 

22  Behring,  p.  21. 

23  Behring,  p.  23. 

24  Behring,  p.  24. 

25  Behring,  pp.  27  and  37. 

26  Behring,  p.  28. 


292  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

rulers  of  the  Polish  trade.  The  distress  of  the  Elbingers 
was  intense;  the  bulwark,  upon  which  they  depended  to 
keep  the  river  within  bounds,  had  been  destroyed,  ob- 
structions had  been  placed  in  the  rivers  so  that  the  water 
rose  and  fell  over  the  sunken  ships  ' '  with  a  great  noise, ' '  ^'^ 
the  block-house  newly  built  that  year,  four  villages  and  a 
considerable  portion  of  their  own  town  reduced  to  ashes.^^ 
It  was  scarcely  to  be  expected  that  thereafter  the  Elbingers 
should  consider  themselves  bound  to  observe  those  princi- 
ples of  loyalty  which  contributed  so  largely  to  the  com- 
mercial success  of  Dantzig.  It  would  hardly  be  in  ac- 
cordance with  human  nature  should  the  Elbingers  not 
seize  the  opportunity  when  it  presented  itself  of  seeking 
a  fitting  revenge  upon  their  enemy,  especially  since  this 
revenge  was  coupled  with  distinct  profits  to  themselves. 

Such  an  opportunity  came  when  the  English  merchants 
sought  privileges  in  Poland.^''  It  will  be  remembered  that 
just  following  these  events  in  Poland,  came  the  open 
breach  between  England  and  the  Hanse,  brought  about 
by  the  expulsion  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers  from  Ham- 
burg. In  this  affair  Dantzig  was  a  leader  against  the  Eng- 
lish.^°  Not  only  did  she  use  all  of  her  influence  to  bring 
Hamburg  back  into  the  Planseatic  fold  but  she  also  made 
conditions  as  unendurable  as  she  could  for  the  English. 
The  merchants  maintained  that  they  were  "wourse  vsed" 
in  Dantzig  than  were  any  other  merchant  strangers  who 
resorted  there.^^  At  last  driven  out  "by  meanes  of  most 
greuous  and  intollerable  Exactions,  Impositions  and  ar- 
rests," the  English  left  the  traditional  trading  place  and 

2T  ihid. 

28  lud, 

29  Behring,  p.  11,  Ohne  den  Uberfall  auf  Elbing  und  die  gerechte 
Erbitterung,  welche  er  in  der  hart  betroffenen  Stadt  hervorrief,  ware 
die  englische  Residenz  daselbst  niemals  moglicli  gewesen. 

soEhrenberg,  pp.  131-158. 

31  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  126,  f.  26;  C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1578-1579,  pp.  494- 
495. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  293 

went  to  Elbing.^-  Their  reception  there  was  all  that  they 
could  expect.  The  Elbingers  were  now  in  a  position  to 
avenge  the  injuries  they  had  received  at  the  hands  of  the 
Dantzigers  as  they  were  also  to  have  the  more  substantial 
gratification  of  seeing  "  themselues  enriched,  and  ther 
towne  beutif yed. ' '  ^^ 

From  this  time  onward  the  question  ceased  to  be  one 
directly  between  England  and  the  Hanse.  The  solidarity 
of  the  League  had  been  irreparably  broken.  The  English 
could  now  gain  their  ends  quite  independently  of  the 
League.  With  Elbing  completely  alienated  from  it,  with 
the  Polish  King  by  no  means  well-disposed  toward  Dantzig, 
the  English  had  at  last  found  a  situation  in  Prussia  which 
made  it  possible  to  ignore  the  League.  So  quickly  did 
they  lose  interest  in  the  Hanse  quarrel,  as  related  to  the 
Eastland  trade,  that  John  Herbert,  the  English  ambassa- 
dor sent  to  Poland  (1583-1585)  especially  to  establish  the 
merchants  there,  wrote  home  in  1584,  "I  for  my  parte  am 
lothe  to  enter  into  the  action  of  the  Hanses,  for  that  I 
knowe  they  are  intricate  and  require  great  lerning  and 
deep  judgment  to  enter  into  the  depth  of  theim.  "^* 

The  formal  negotiations  for  privileges  at  Elbing  were 
begun  soon  after  the  Eastland  Company  received  its  char- 
ter. A  committee  of  five  merchants  ^^  representing  the 
Queen  and  the  society  went  before  the  town  authorities 
and  offered  to  transfer  all  of  the  English  trade  to  Elbing 
provided  that  the  Queen  was  assured  beforehand  by  letter 
from  the  magistrates  that  her  merchants  should  have  free 
navigation,  immunity  from  new  tolls  and  exactions  and 
protection  to  depart  in  case  any  misfortune  overtook  them 

32  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  11. 

33  S.   P.,  Poland,  I,   No.   11. 

34  Cottonian,  Galba  D  XIII,  f.  10. 

35  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  4.  These  mercliants  were  George  Piichs 
[Rookes],  Robert  Walton,  Matthew  Gray,  Thomas  Gorney  and  John 
Briks. 


294  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

there.^*  "With  this  offer  the  Elbingers  found  no  fault  and 
on  December  4,  1579,  they  replied  in  a  letter  to  the  Queen 
which  set  forth  that  they  would  willingly  concede  the 
"Libertie  of  traficque"  to  the  English;  that  since  there 
existed  agreements  and  a  covenant  in  regard  to  the  tolls 
at  the  port,  there  was  no  reason  to  fear  innovations;  that 
so  far  as  they  were  concerned  none  should  be  adopted  with- 
out her  consent;  that  since  the  King  had  granted  liberty 
of  commerce  in  the  whole  kingdom,  they  would  do  their 
part  to  see  that  it  was  enforced.  Finally  they  promised  to 
use  their  influence  with  his  Majesty  that  he  see  to  it  that 
her  merchants  should  remain  free  from  difficulties  placed 
in  their  way  by  the  "malevolence  and  iniquity  of  others," 
the  reference  being,  of  course,  to  the  Dantzigers.^' 

The  English  were  quite  satisfied  with  these  assurances. 
An  order  was  immediately  sent  out  to  the  officers  of  the 
ports  of  London,  Hull,  Newcastle,  Ipswich  and  Lynn  that 
they  should  take  bonds  "in  good  sommes  according  to  the 
valew  of  their  merchandize"  of  all  ships  departing  for  the 
East  Countries  "that  they  shall  discharge  their  marchan- 
dizes  only  at  Elbing. ' '  ^^  The  Queen  then  very  promptly 
replied  to  the  Elbingers,  stating  her  entire  satisfaction 
with  the  preliminaries  and  asking  for  a  formal  treaty  to 
concede  certain  definite  privileges  and  immunities  to  the 
Eastland  Company.  She  assured  the  magistrates  of  the 
good  behavior  of  her  subjects.^^  At  the  same  time  she 
wrote  to  Stephan  about  the  affair.*** 

36  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  4. 

37  Ibid. 

38  A.  P.  C,  XI,  p.  378,  February  6,  1580. 

39  Harleian,  4943,  f.  16,  February  9,  1580. 

40  Harleian,  4943,  f .  18.  In  this  letter  the  Queen  writes  as  if  this 
were  not  the  first  time  she  had  approached  him  upon  this  subject 
and  as  if  he  had  replied  favorably  to  her  advances.  "Annus  iam  est 
ultimi  Decembris  mensis  21°  die  elapsus  ex  quo  mercatorum  nrorum 
causam  que  in  libertate  commerciorum  exercendorum  cum  anti- 
quorum  priuilegiorum  et  si  necesse  sit  nouorum  etiam  et  auctiorum 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  295 

The  bearers  of  the  Queen's  letters,  presumably  mer- 
chants, were  to  act  as  her  and  the  Company's  representa- 
tives. Among  them  a  certain  John  Langton  who  had  been 
a  resident  in  Poland  for  thirty  years  and  bore  an  irre- 
proachable reputation  seems  to  have  been  the  foremost.*' 
Upon  the  delivery  of  the  Queen's  letter,  the  Elbingers 
immediately  asked  the  Englishmen  what  privileges  "they 
pretendid. ' '  *-  Whereupon  the  merchants  very  diplomat- 
ically responded  only  "suche  as  in  old  tyme  to  the  whole 
Englishe  nation  and  as  of  late  tyme  by  the  Hamburgers 
to  the  Merchant  Adventurers  were  granted. ' '  *^  With 
this  answer  the  magistrates  were  more  than  pleased.** 
Should  they  be  accused  hereafter  of  perfidy  to  the  League 
they  had  only  to  point  to  the  precedent  established  by 
Hamburg,  one  of  its  leading  tOAvns.  They  had  only  to 
repeat  the  arguments  made  by  the  Hamburgers  but  a 
decade  before  in  order  to  justify  their  present  course. 

But  however  tactful  the  merchants  might  be,  they  were 
not  equal  to  the  occasion  when  formal  negotiations  were 
taken  up  with  the  town  and  the  King  of  Poland.  Possibly 
they  realized  "howe  meanly,  the  Pollish  Counsaile  esteem 
a  merchant,  or  any  man  not  gentle  borne.  "*^  Further- 
more the  news  came  that  the  Dantzigers  had  been  using 
some  "indirecte  practises  ...  to  staye  and  w""- 
draw"  the  Elbingers  from  their  policy  toward  the  Eng- 
lish.*^ Very  evidently  there  was  needed  a  trained  diplo- 
mat.    However  the  merchants  were  not  willing  to  entrust 

donatione  coniuncta  concedenda  SV  comendauinuis.     In  quo  quidem 
negotio    tam    feliciter    laborauinius   ut   eiusdem   libertatis   obtinende 
quatemis    cum    subditorum    vrorum    vniuersique    Regni    bono    staret 
siKjm   nobis  faceret   vra   responsio." 
*i  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  11. 

42  Ibid. 

43  Ibid. 

44  S.  p.,  Poland,  I,  No.   11. 

45  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  28. 

46Sloane,  2442,  f.  41;   S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  6. 


296  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

their  affairs  entirely  in  the  hands  of  a  person  not  belonging 
to  the  Society.  Accordingly  they  sent  two  commissioners, 
William  Salkins,  a  merchant,  and  John  Rogers,  a  "Doctor 
of  the  Civill  Lawe ' '  from  Cambridge.*^  The  latter  had  had 
some  experience  in  diplomacy  in  Denmark  in  1577  *^  and 
was  considered  an  altogether  competent  person/" 

Before  starting  for  Elbing,  Rogers  made  elaborate 
preparations.  He  searched  the  Tower,  the  Exchequer  and 
the  Rolls  for  documents  which  could  aid  him  in  his  mis- 
sion.^*' Old  treaties  made  with  the  Grand  Masters  of  the 
Teutonic  Knights  in  the  early  part  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury were  resurrected,  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  brought  out 
of  the  Exchequer,  and  the  "bokes  of  the  Anseas"  copied.^^ 

Being  a  representative  of  the  Queen  as  well  as  of  the 
Society,  Rogers  received  instructions  from  both.  The  in- 
structions from  the  Queen,  issued  in  August,  were  of  a 
general  nature.^-  He  was  to  conduct  himself  in  such  a 
way  as  to  discourage  the  Elbingers  from  demanding  any- 
thing which  "may  be  thoughte  by  vs  and  o'"  Counsaile  not 
meete  to  be  granted  on  o""  parte."  He  was  to  bind  the 
English  to  no  conclusions  other  than  those  to  which  they 
had  already  given  their  consent  or  which  were  included 
in  "suche  Charters  as  haue  passed  betweene  o""  progeni- 
tors and  the  D.  of  Prussia  and  the  townes  vnder  theire 
Jurisdiction."  If  a  demand  for  such  arose,  he  was  to 
refer  the  matter  to  the  Privy  Council  for  further  advice. 

47  S.   P.,  Poland,   I,  No.   11;    A.  P.  C,  XII,   p.   147. 

48  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  11;  C.  S.  P.,  For.,  1577-1578,  p.  18  [No. 
28]. 

49Sloane,  2442,   f.   41. 

50  S.   P.,  Poland,  I,  No.   9   and   11. 

51  lUd. 

52  The  copy  of  the  instructions  in  Sloane,  2442,  S.  41-43,  bears 
only  the  date  of  Auf^st,  1580,  but  in  A.  P.  C,  XII,  p.  158  there  is  a 
note  for  a  special  instruction  to  be  sent  to  Rogers,  August  25.  A 
reference  is  made  to  tliis  in  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  9  showing  that 
this  was  sent  the  day  following  the  issue  of  the  first  instructions. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  297 

Should  a  request  be  made  for  the  revival  of  the  old  rate 
of  custom  which  the  Hanse  To\\tis  used  to  enjoy  in  Eng- 
land, he  should  demonstrate  the  impossibility  of  any  such 
return  owing  to  the  recent  changes  in  monetary'  values  and 
to  the  great  increase  "in  all  matters  of  expences  apper- 
tayninge  to  the  state  of  kinges  and  prynces. "  He  was  to 
make  "his  repayre  unto"  the  Duke  of  Prussia,  who,  she 
had  been  informed,  had  some  interest  in  this  matter;  he 
was  to  acquaint  the  duke  with  her  desire  of  fixing  the 
trade  of  her  merchants  at  Elbing  and  in  her  name  to  "re- 
quest hys  best  furtherance  thervnto. "  He  was  to  deal 
with  the  King  of  Poland  as  with  the  Elbingers.  For  the 
particulars  of  his  negotiation  he  was  to  receive  his  instiTic- 
tiuns  from  the  merchants.  Later  he  was  furnished  by 
them  with  fifty-two  articles,^^  covering  a  great  variety  of 
subjects.  He  was  to  secure  privileges  for  them  in  regard 
to  all  phases  of  life — legal  j^rotection,  religious  liberty, 
their  demands  extending  even  to  such  a  concrete  point  as 
the  right  to  use  the  common  crane. 

By  the  middle  of  September,  1580,  Rogers  was  in 
Elbing  ^*  and  ready  to  begin  his  work ;  but  at  the  very 
outset  he  found  his  hands  tied.  As  might  be  supposed, 
the  most  important  document  for  him  to  have  would  be 
the  Treaty  of  Hamburg  and  this  he  did  not  have.  Be- 
fore he  left  England  he  had  realized  its  importance.^^ 
The  merchants  had  obtained  it,  he  had  examined  it  and 
ordered  that  it  be  copied  and  the  copy  sealed  and  delivered 
to  him.^"  When  he  was  ready  to  embark  he  inquired  for 
the  treaty  but  was  told  that  although  it  had  been  copied 
it  had  not  yet  been  sealed,  but  that  it  would  be  sent  to 
Elbing  with  ]\Ir.  Salkins  who  was  to  follow  him  in  a  few 

63  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  9.     He  stopped  only  a  few  days  with  the 
King  of  Denmark.     C.  S.   P.,   For.,   1579-1580,   p.   409. 
51  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  Xo.  11. 

55  Ibid. 

56  S.   P.,  Poland,  I,   No.   11. 


298  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

weeks.'^^  Immediately  upon  Rogers'  arrival  the  magistrates 
asked  for  the  Treaty  of  Hamburg.  He  told  them  that  Mr. 
Salkins  was  bringing  it.^"  Consequently  great  was  their 
disappointment  when,  upon  Salkins'  arrival,  it  was  found 
not  to  be  among  the  documents  he  had  brought.  The 
burgomaster  in  deep  chagrin  told  Rogers  that  he  "per- 
ceauyd  now  well,  that  it  might  be  trewe,  that  the  Danskers 
had  reported"  that  the  English  would  draw  down  upon 
the  heads  of  the  Elbingers  not  only  the  wrath  of  the 
Hanses  but  the  displeasure  of  the  King  as  well.^^  "And 
verely  (quoth  he)  I  haue  bene  founde  alwayes  to  haue  bene 
careful!  for  this  Cittie  and  neuer  reproehed  before  my 
prince  and  rather  than  I  wolde  my  old  hoarie  hedde  shulde 
be  dishonored  in  this  myn  age  I  well  take  suche  Corse, 
as  I  reckon  to  haue  the  Treatie  of  Hamburge  in  my  pos- 
session. ' '  ^°  Forthwith  the  town  authorities  refused  ab- 
solutely to  proceed  with  the  negotiation  unless  the  treaty 
were  shown  to  them."^  Rogers  wrote,  "Their  Graunts  so 
far  forth  to  take  place,  as  the  Treatie  of  Hamburge 
were  produced,  and  Negatiuely,  conclude  theye  wolde  not 
without  thesame. ' '  ^^  Rogers  did  everything  he  could  to 
allay  the  wrath  and  suspicions  of  the  burgomaster  and  to 
procure  the  treaty.  He  wrote  letters  home  and  he  urged 
the  deputy  at  Elbing  to  send  for  the  treaty  but  their  ef- 
forts brought  forth  no  results.  Rogers  was  much  embar- 
rassed over  the  affair.  The  burgomaster  and  ma^strates 
never  left  the  town  but  that,  upon  their  return,  they  in- 
stantly inquired  about  ' '  thesayd  longe  desyred  Treatie. ' '  ®^ 
The    post    or    others    had    hardly    arrived    before    they 

57  S.  P.,  Poland,  T,  No.   11. 

58  Ihid. 

59  Ibid. 

60  Ihid. 

61 /bid.;  S.  P.,  Poland,   1,  No.  9  and  12. 

62  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  11. 

63  Ibid. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  299 

clamored  to  know  if  it  had  come.  * '  Notorious  is  it, ' '  -wTote 
Rogers,  "that  at  theyr  owne  charges  this  Cittie  sent  an 
expert  and  an  expresse  man  to  Hamburge  ther  meaninge 
by  frindshippe  or  by  Corruption  of  the  secretarj'e  or 
otherwyse  to  attayne  thesaide  Treatie;  But  so  Secrett  and 
firme  wher  they  they  cold  not  compasse  thesame. "  ^*  At 
last  early  in  March  the  burgomaster  "wdthe  suche  vehe- 
ment and  ernest  words  .  .  .  vtterid  his  mjTide"  that 
an  express  post  was  finally  despatched.*'^ 

The  question  arises  whether  the  merchants  had  any 
definite  reason  for  so  delaying  the  negotiation  of  Rogers 
or  whether  this  was  merely  a  case  of  negligence.  In  view 
of  the  fact  that  they  were  paying  Rogers'  expenses  which 
were  assuming  rather  large  proportions,  it  seems  hardly 
probable  that  they  would  ignore  their  own  interests  so 
persistently.  It  then  remains  to  inquire  what  reason  they 
might  have  had  for  retarding  this  negotiation.  And  this, 
according  to  Rogers,  was  to  be  found  in  the  reluctance  of 
some  of  the  English  merchants  to  leave  Dantzig.  He  main- 
tained, and  the  authorities  of  Elbing  shared  his  views,  that 
the  whole  cause  was  to  be  found  in  the  machinations  of 
certain  Englishmen."*'  "To  what  perpose  shall  her  Ma"® 
send  letters  to  this  Cittie,  or  Comissioners,  when  a  fewe 
persons  of  wealthe  shal  by  Sinister  practise  distorne  her 
highnes  intents  to  theyre  factions.  Wei  it  is  knowen  that 
Peter  Kemerlinke  a  dansker  and  a  Trader  withe  our  nation 
hathe  his  first  daughter  marryed  in  Englande  to  Robert 
Hilson  a  rich  merchaunt;  his  second  daughter  is  marryed, 
to  one  Swister,  a  kinsman  of  IMr.  Hilsones;  his  thirde 
daughter  to  John  Barnel  a  riehe  merehaunte  also;  .  .  , 
Roger  Pludde  bathe  marryed  a  danskers  daughter,  and 
is  resident  in  danske,  and  vauntithe  him  so  muche  of  his 

64  S.  P.,   Poland,  I,  No.    11. 

65  Ibid. 

66  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  11,  12,  23  and  24. 


300  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

welthe,  by  his  wyffe  and  trade,  so  he  hathe  spoken  most 
arrogant  words  against  the  authors  of  this  trade,  etc  say- 
inge  he  wil  be  the  destruction  of  this  Elbinge  trade  etc. 
Those  mens  capitalls  be  very  great,  and  worke  great  ef- 
fectes.  Hughe  Offeley  (estemed  here  a  very  riehe  mer- 
chaunt)  a  great  trader  in  fraunce  (et  quid  non?)  Mayn- 
taynethe  here  a  frenche  factor  namyd  (Pattelier)  who 
hathe  (as  it  were  a  licence)  to  destroye  the  trade  at 
Elbinge,  and  mayntaynethe  w*^  defiance  of  the  deputie, 
his  actions  for  danske,  sayinge  his  IM""  the  worshippf  ]\P 
Hughe  Offeley,  geuethe  him  meat  and  drincke  b&sydes 
wages,  and  he  wil  folio  we  his  aduises  .  .  .  Robert 
Cooley,  a  factor  sometimes  of  Mr.  William  Cockayne  (but 
vppon  Cause  now  none)  scheducethe  thesaid  Mr.  Cockayne 
his  Sonne  and  yonge  prentise  Thomas  Stepney,  and  by  all 
meanes  possible  framithe  the  yonge  lads  for  danske. 
This  Robert  Cooley  is  an  very  factious  person  (the  cham- 
pion of  Roger  fludde)  and  is  enamored  cum  venere 
Gedanensi  .  .  .  Mr.  Bodlighe  hathe  his  sonne  here 
(frind  withe  Mr.  Fludde)  and  fauore  they  (as  I  well 
knowe)  danske.  Mr.  Salkins  (ioynt  comissioner  withe  me) 
hathe  his  seruant  Jn.  Parker  continuallye  .  .  .  re- 
mayninge  always  at  danske.  What  he  dothe  there  is  not 
unknowen  to  the  magistrates  of  ye  towne,  to  me  and  others 
sincerely  affected.  Mr.  deputie  Russel  hathe  had  (but) 
2  factors  or  prentises  a  long  tyme  at  danske.  it  is  sayde 
they  be  there  to  recouer  debts  but  well  know  ye  mer- 
chaunts  here,  what  is  ye  cause  (they  obeyinge  ordres  Sell 
Not).''''' 

Whether  Rogers  and  the  Elbingers  were  correct  or  not 
in  their  assumption  that  these  merchants  prevented  the 

67  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  11.  This  condition  of  inter-marriage  al- 
ready existing  between  Englishmen  and  Dantzigers  explains,  per- 
haps, the  absence  of  its  prohibition  in  the  charter.  This  may  be 
another  case  in  which  the  conditions  forced  the  Eastland  Merchants 
to  modify  their   imitation  of  the  Merchant   Adventurers. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  301 

sending  of  the  Treaty  of  Hamburg  to  Elbing,  the  fact 
remains  that  the  treaty  did  not  materialize  for  many 
months  after  Rogers  went  there,  if  indeed  it  ever  did. 
And  as  has  been  pointed  out  the  Elbingers  refused  to  ne- 
gotiate without  it.  In  spite  of  that  Rogers  tried  to  have 
conferences  with  them,  though  with,  little  success.  He  also 
paid  a  visit  to  King  Stephan  at  Warsaw  in  March,  1581. 
There  he  put  forward  the  demands  of  the  English  for  a 
residence  at  Elbing,  for  a  definite  legal  status  and  for  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  governor  of  the  Company  over  the 
Englishmen  resident  in  Elbing.'^^  Although  the  King  was 
engrossed  in  the  preparations  for  an  invasion  of  Muscovy 
he  seems  to  have  listened  quite  \^dllingly  to  Rogers  and 
apparently  approved  the  whole  scheme  in  an  informal 
way.  For  the  Queen,  Stephan  had  only  the  most  gallant 
feelings.  Rogers  reports  that  throughout  the  interview 
"His  highnes  neuer  made  mention  of  her  most  gratious 
Ma"®  but  euer  raysed  him  (for  honor)  one  foote  from 
the  place  he  sate  on  and  toke  of  his  Little  polishe  Cappe 
one  halfe  hand  breadthe  or  rather  more  from  his  most 
honorable  hedde."''^  After  some  discussion  it  was  agreed, 
in  view  of  the  King's  approaching  absence,  that  he  should 
appoint  a  commission  of  certain  of  his  councillors  who 
should  repair  to  Elbing  for  the  "more  ample  examina- 
tion and  disquisition"  of  the  proposed  agreement.'"  It 
was  thought  that  this  plan  would  cause  little  delay,  see- 
ing that  so  much  unanimity  of  opinion  and  such  amicable 
relations  prevailed  between  the  parties.'^^  Before  his  de- 
parture into  IMuscovy,  the  King  accordingly  appointed  a 
commission  of  several  magnates,  among  whom  Stanislaus 
Kamkouski,  the  primate  of  the  kingdom,  and  John  Kostka, 
Palatine  of  Sandomier  and  Captain  of  Marienburg,  were 
«8S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  9, 

69  Ihid. 

70  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  9. 

71  Ibid. 


302  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

the  principals/-  Owing  to  the  death  of  the  latter,  how- 
ever, the  commission  was  never  able  to  act  on  the  matter.''' 

Before  Rogers  could  accomplish  anything  further  with 
the  Elbingers,  he  was  recalled  by  the  Privy  Council.  Ap- 
parently the  merchants  had  succeeded  in  discrediting  him 
with  the  home  government.  It  is  quite  apparent  why 
some  of  them  whom  he  had  accused  of  double-dealing, 
should  be  anxious  for  his  removal.  Others  were  dissat- 
isfied with  him  because  of  his  rather  heavy  and,  as  they 
considered,  unnecessary  expenses.'*  They  maintained  that 
his  visit  to  the  Polish  court  with  all  of  its  attendant  out- 
lay, was  entirely  unauthorized.'^  The  Privy  Council,  re- 
flecting this  dissatisfaction,  wrote  in  July,  1581,  to  Rogers 
and  Salkins  "touching  their  remisse  dealinges  in  the  ne- 
gotiation with  the  Elbingers  and  to  hasten  the  dispatche 
therof  end  their  retorne  homewardes. ' '  ''^  Later  came 
their  definite  recall.  In  the  early  autumn  of  1581  Rogers 
obeyed  and  returned  to  England.'^ 

In  order  that  his  year  spent  in  Poland  might  not  be 
entirely  barren  of  tangible  results,  before  he  departed, 
Rogers  drew  up  a  model  for  a  treaty  which  he  left  with 
the  Elbingers  for  their  ratification.  This  was  then  to  be 
sent  on  to  England  after  him.'^  It  seems  likely  that 
Rogers  was  forced  to  depend  upon  his  memory  for  the 
reproduction  of  the  Treaty  of  Hamburg.'''  The  document 
which  he  drew  up  contains  much  that  is  in  that  treaty, 
but  it  is  cast  in  wholly  dissimilar  form.^°  The  magistrates 
of  Elbing,  always  anxious  to  retain  the  good-will  of  the 

T2  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  13. 

73  iMd. 

74  Hatfield  House  MSS.,   13,  f.  78. 

75  Ihid. 

76  A.  P.  C,  XIII,  p.  133. 

77  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  13. 
78Cottonian,  Nero   B  II,   f.   155. 

79  This  treaty  is  printed  in  Ehrenberg,  pp.  312-326. 

80  Cottonian,  Nero  B  II,  ff.   155  b.-185. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  303 

Queen,  followed  Rogers'  suggestion,  though  thej^  did  not 
ratify  the  convention  entirely.  Instead  they  placed  their 
'  opinions  beside  each  article  in  a  parallel  column.  They 
I  agreed  to  the  majority  of  the  provisions;  others,  the  most 
1  important  ones,  they  referred  to  the  King  and  a  few  they 
refused.  And  all  were  apparently  left  in  suspense  until 
it  should  be  seen  what  the  Queen  purposed  doing  for  the 
Elbingers.^^  This  they  drew  up  November  30,  1581.  In 
general  the  document  which  Rogers  drew  up,  with  the 
apostils  of  the  Elbingers,  comprises  a  long  and  verbose 
document  and  one  that  quite  justified  Dr.  John  Ham- 
mond's opinion  delivered  a  few  months  after  this:  "Most 
of  the  things  concluded  upon  are  such  as  needed  no  capit- 
ulation or  articles,  to  my  understanding,  for  they  were  to 
be  looked  for  of  common  right  in  every  country  where 
there  is  any  'policy'  and  which  is  not  barbarous;  as  li- 
cense to  sue  and  be  sued  by  a  proctor,  justice  against 
malefactors,  recovery  of  stolen  goods,  and  that  one  not 
to  be  punished  or  contended  for  any  other's  trespass  or 
debt,  and  many  other  such  like.  Though  these  are  speci- 
fied in  the  'intercourse'  of  Hamburg,  I  see  no  great  rea- 
son in  that  precedent. ' '  ^' 

Considering  Rogers's  mission  as  a  whole,  it  had  been 
a  series  of  delays  and  fruitless  endeavors.  Nothing  had 
been  accomplished  save  an  articulation  of  the  privileges 
sought  by   the  English.     For  these  failures,   Rogei*s  was 

81  They  had  the  advice  of  the  King's  councillors,  who  were  at  this 
time  not  entirely  convinced  of  the  sincerity  of  the  English.  John 
Herbert  wrote  August  16,  1583:  "On  monday  being  the  fyft  of  this 
present  I  delyvered  her  Maty  he  to  the  Bourgmasters,  and  having  vsed 
som  set  speche,  wherewth  the  [people]  of  this  contrey  is  much  de- 
liglited,  among  other  I  touched,  by  the  way  that  her  ^laty  was  some- 
what agreved  wth  the  last  Annotacons  sent  by  the  citysans  of  this 
towne.  They  replyed,  that  it  was  so  prescribed  vnto  them  by  som  of 
the  k.  Councell,  that  as  then  semed  to  dowbt  of  the  yssue  of  this 
treaty,  as  a  thing  not  ment  by  the  Englishe  nation."  S.  P.,  Poland, 
I,  No.  27. 

82  C.  S.  P.,  For.,   1581-1582,  p.  657-658. 


304  TRADP]  IN  THE  BALTIC 

not  wholly  to  blame.  The  absence  of  the  King  and  the 
death  of  his  commissioner  made  it  impossible  to  proceed 
in  the  negotiation  with  the  Polish  government.  The  de- 
lays and  double  dealing  of  the  English  merchants  made 
it  hard  to  get  very  far  with  the  town.  And  lastly,  it 
becomes  very  apparent  to  anyone  reading  Dr.  Rogers'  let- 
ters, that  his  was  hardly  a  personality  to  overcome  all  or 
even  a  part  of  these  difficulties.  Throughout  the  whole 
negotiation  he  displayed  signal  incapacity  combined  with 
the  most  exaggerated  estimate  of  his  own  powers  and  at- 
tainments.*^ 

After  the  recall  of  Rogers,  the  negotiation  was  carried 
on  by  correspondence  for  nearly  two  years.**  Upon  the 
arrival  of  his  draft  with  its  annotations  by  the  Elbingers, 
it  was  soon  seen  that  this  was  too  unwieldy  a  document 
to  be  of  much  service,  so  it  was  re\'ised  and  recast  in  a 
form  closely  resembling  that  of  the  Treaty  of  Hamburg. 
It  now  contained  twenty-nine  articles,  most  of  which  the 
Elbingers  had  agreed  to  or  had  referred  to  the  King.  This 
"formula"  the  Queen  now  sent  to  Elbing  and  to  the  King 
for  ratification.*^ 

To  secure  the  ratification  of  the  King  to  this  agreement 
was  no  longer  the  simple  matter  it  might  once  have  been. 
As  the  bitter  feelings  engendered  by  the  clash  between 
Dantzig  and  the  King,  subsided,  there  appeared  a  very 
marked  tendenej^  toward  reconciliation  on  both  sides. 
Dantzig,   in   the   realization   of   the   powerlessness   of  the 

83  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  7,  9  and  11.  Perhaps  his  expenditure  for 
wine  of  £28  [$700  in  modern  values]  accounts,  in  part,  for  his  in- 
capacity and  "many  disorders."  Hatfield  House  MSS.,  13,  f.  78; 
A.  P.  C,  XIII,  p.  401. 

81  In  the  autumn  of  1582  the  king  sent  Stanislaus  Ossowinski, 
chief  gentlemen  of  the  chamber  [Cubicularium],  with  letters  to 
England.  He  had  an  audience  with  the  queen  but  it  does  not  ap- 
pear that  he  contributed  anything  to  the  negotiation.  S.  P.,  Poland, 
I,  No.  18  and  20. 

85  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  16,  17  and  19;  Treaty  Papers,  LV. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  305 

Hanseatic  League  to  prevent  the  English  from  making 
inroads  into  the  Polish  trade,  now  turned  to  the  King 
and  used  every  means  in  her  power  to  induce  him  to 
withhold  his  consent  from  the  proposed  agreement.  But 
one  very  substantial  obstacle  remained  in  the  way.  Soon 
after  the  King  had  moved  the  depot  of  Polish  commerce 
from  Dantzig  to  Elbing,  he  had  placed  a  toll  upon  all 
goods  going  out  of  the  latter  port.*"  When  peace  was 
made  with  Dantzig,  the  town  had  promised  to  pay  this 
toll  also,  but  for  four  years  it  neglected  to  remit  to  the 
King.  As  long  then  as  Elbing  paid  a  toll  which  the  Dant- 
zigers  evaded,  the  King  would  not  be  likely  to  do  much 
to  hinder  the  prosperity  of  the  Elbingers.  At  last  the 
Dantzigers  saw  this  and  hastened  to  remove  the  disad- 
vantage under  which  they  were  laboring.  Accordingly  in 
the  spring  of  1582  they  turned  over  to  him  a  half  of  their 
port  dues.*^  Since  the  Polish  diets  were  notoriously  pe- 
nurious with  the  King,  whose  finances  at  this  time  were 
at  a  low  ebb  on  account  of  his  IMuscovy  campaign,  it  is 
scarcely  a  cause  for  wonder  that  the  Dantzigers,  through 
their  grant,  made  a  distinct  impression  upon  Stephan. 
When,  therefore,  the  Elbingers  urged  him  to  sanction  their 
proceedings  with  the  English,  the  answer  came  that  his 
Majesty  would  decide  nothing  until  the  arrival  of  an  en- 
voy from  Elizabeth  and  before  he  had  summoned  and 
heard  the  deputies  of  Elbing  "and  others,  perhaps  inter- 
ested in  the  matter."*^ 

This  development  much  disturbed  the  Elbingers  and 
they  wrote  urgently  to  the  Queen  to  make  haste  and  send 
a  representation  to  counteract  the  influence  of  the  Dant- 
zigers.*" However,  their  anxiety  was  premature,  for 
Stephan  was  not  a  ruler  who  could  grasp  but  a  single 

86  Behring,  p.  5. 

87  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  23. 

88  Ibid. 

89  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  15  and  23. 


306  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

phase  of  a  question  nor  one  to  be  unduly  influenced  by 
monej^  He  was  still  very  well  disposed  toward  the 
project  of  settling  the  English  at  Elbing.  He  inquiried 
in  regard  to  the  departure  of  Rogers  ^^  and  later  asked 
the  Queen  to  send  an  envoy  to  his  court.®^ 

But  the  Queen  did  not  immediately  respond  to  this 
request.  Her  procrastination  was  no  doubt  due  to  the 
influence  of  the  merchants  who  had  to  pay  the  expenses 
of  these  embassies  and  who  were  just  now  much  dis- 
gruntled over  Rogers'  spending  over  five  hundred  pounds 
[$12,500  in  modern  values]  the  year  before.^^  She  there- 
fore waited  to  see  what  could  be  accomplished  by  the  ' '  for- 
mula" which  the  English  had  prepared.  She  answered 
the  King's  letter  and  stated  that  since  there  were  so  few 
things  in  connection  with  the  matter  that  touched  in  any 
way  the  royal  prerogative,  she  was  sure  there  would  be 
little  difficulty  in  bringing  the  affair  to  a  happy  issue.*^ 

Meanwhile  the  Dantzigers  redoubled  their  efforts  and, 
aided  by  certain  of  the  English  merchants  who  sjTnpa- 
thized  with  them,  they  succeeded  in  keeping  the  whole 
negotiation  at  a  standstill.^* 

In  the  spring  of  1583  the  Elbingers  renewed  their  ap- 
peals to  the  Queen  to  send  an  envoy.^^  Finally  it  dawned 
upon  the  English  that  this  was  the  only  way  by  which 
the  affair  could  ever  be  brought  to  a  conclusion  and  so 
it  was  decided  to  send  Mr.  John  Herbert,  a  Judge  of  the 
Admiralty,  who  just  then  was  engaged  in  a  mission  to 
Denmark  in  regard  to  the  ]\Iuscov>'  trade.^®  In  this 
choice  of  Herbert  the  English  were  much  more  fortunate 

90  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  Xo.  15. 

91  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.   18. 

92  Hatfield  House,  MSS.,  13,  f.  78. 
OS  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.   19. 

»4S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  24. 

95  lUd. 

96  S,  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  26  and  a  document  unnumbered. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  307 

than  they  had  been  in  that  of  Rogers.  Herbert  was  a 
man  of  the  highest  type  of  intelligence  and  character. 

In  July,  1583,  Walsingham  wrote  to  Herbert  in  Den- 
mark and  instructed  him  that,  upon  the  completion  of  his 
mission  there  he  should  proceed  to  Poland  and  bring  mat- 
ters to  a  conclusion  for  the  Eastland  Merchants.  He  was 
given  full  powers,  and  he  was  supplied  with  the  draft 
of  the  treaty  which  Rogers  had  drawn  up,  with  the  apostils 
of  the  Elbingers  added  thereto  and  with  the  "formula" 
which  had  been  drawai  up  on  the  basis  of  that  draft. 
Like  Rogers,  his  power  was  limited  by  the  proviso  that  if 
any  new  matter  came  up,  he  was  to  refer  it  to  the  home 
government  for  further  advice.  Finally  he  was  assured 
that  the  merchants  would  liberally  contribute  toward  de- 
fraying the  expenses  incurred  by  him  on  their  behalf,  as 
well  as  toward  compensating  him  for  his  labors.^^ 

As  soon  as  his  mission  M'as  accomplished  in  Denmark 
he  set  out  overland  for  Elbing  and  arrived  there  August 
13,  1583.^®  There  he  found  awaiting  him  his  formal  in- 
structions and  other  necessary  documents,  the  queen's  let- 
ters to  Stephan  and  to  the  town.®" 

The  outlook  now  was  fairly  dubious.  The  Elbingers 
who  had  begun  to  despair  of  a  successful  issue,  now  took 
heart  at  Herbert's  arrival. ^"^  But  Herbert,  himself,  was 
not  so  sanguine  in  his  hopes.  On  his  way  to  Elbing  he 
had  stopped  over  in  Dantzig  for  a  few  days  and  while 
there  he  had  had  a  conference  with  the  lords  of  the  town 
and  he  perceived  "by  the  sly  speche  of  the  chefe  Burgo- 
masters .  .  .  that  they  make  full  accompt,  that  the 
king  will  graunt  nothing  to  this  Towne  [Elbing]  that 
may   p  'iudice  the  rest  of  his  Ports  in  this  quartre. ' '  ^"^ 

07  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  26. 
98  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  27. 
90  Ibid. 
100  Ibid. 
101 /6td. 


308  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

In  spite  of  his  doubts,  however,  he  set  to  work  with  a  will. 

The  first  matter  at  hand  was  to  conclude  with  the  town. 
This  Herbert  "was  able  to  accomplish  in  a  few  weeks. ^"^ 
In  the  main  the  ''formula"  prepared  in  England  was  sat- 
isfactory to  the  Elbingers  so  that  now  there  was  really 
nothing  to  provoke  dissension.  The  final  agreement  con- 
tained thirty-three  provisions  which  are  as  follows :  ^°^ 
The  first  article  established  the  "liberty  of  traffic."  It 
declared  the  English  merchants  belonging  to  the  Eastland 
Company  free  to  come  to  Elbing  and  its  port  and  terri- 
tory, to  remain  there  as  long  as  they  wished,  to  buy  and 
sell  goods,  and  to  depart  again,  taking  their  goods  with 
them,  doing  all  these  things  at  their  own  choice  and  con- 
venience, precisely  as  if  they  were  citizens  of  Elbing. 
Going  along  with  this  grant  came  the  injunction  that  all 
goods  imported  by  the  English  had  to  be  brought  to  the 
city  and  exposed  there  in  the  market  place  for  sale  before 
they  could  be  stored  in  ware-houses  awaiting  private  sale 
or  exported  to  other  places.  It  was  prohibited  to  ship  di- 
rectly to  any  other  place  in  the  East  Countries  or  to 
transfer  goods  from  one  ship  to  another  wdth  that  in- 
tention. 

Next  follow^ed  an  article  providing  for  the  renting  of 
an  ''ample  and  spacious"  house  which  the  English  were 
to  have  for  a  definite  sum  paid  annually.  This  they  might 
occupy  without  any  increase  of  price  until  a  building 
could  be  erected  by  the  Company  upon  land  to  be  given 
them  by  the  city  for  that  purpose.  In  their  "residence" 
the  merchants  were  privileged  to  worship  according  to 
the  dictates  of  the  English  Church.  In  case  of  death,  the 
churches  and  churchyards  were  open  to  them  for  burial. 

Turning  now  from  that  somewhat  lugubrious  provision 
came  one  of  more  practical  importance  for  the  develop- 

102  Cottonian,  Galba,  D  XIII,  ff.  42-45. 

103  Cottonian,  Galba,  D  XIII,  S.  60-62. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  309 

ment  of  trade.  The  English  were  given  the  right  of  elec- 
tion of  the  ofScials  of  the  Company,  the  elections  to  take 
place  annually  or  at  any  other  time  that  occasion  miglit 
demand.  It  was  required,  however,  that  the  governor  take 
an  oath  to  the  Elbing  magistrates  that  neither  he  nor  his 
assistants  would  do  anything  to  the  "prejudice  or  dam- 
age" of  the  town.  The  governor  was  to  have  jurisdiction 
over  all  cases  arising  between  two  Englishmen,  except  those 
in  which  the  public  peace  was  disturbed.  In  those  cases, 
as  in  all  grave  and  serious  affairs,  the  magistrates  of  the 
city  were  to  take  cognizance.  There  was  a  grant  of  priv- 
ilege to  the  governor  and  assistants  of  formulating  regu- 
lations to  discipline  the  Englishmen  to  honesty  of  life  as 
long  as  they  remained  in  office.  On  the  other  hand  before 
making  rules  or  changing  the  existing  ones  on  the  subject 
of  merchandise,  these  officials  were  compelled  to  obtain 
the  consent  of  the  Elbing  authoritias.  The  English  were 
to  be  free  to  hold  meetings  and  courts  in  their  house  at 
any  time,  providing  they  undertook  nothing  to  the  detri- 
ment of  the  town. 

The  legal  rights  of  the  English  were  verj^  definitely 
fixed.  As  has  been  said  before,  over  all  civil  cases  arising 
among  the  English,  the  governor  of  the  Society  was  to 
have  jurisdiction;  if  an  Englishman  wished  to  bring  suit 
against  a  citizen  or  a  stranger,  he  might  do  this  in  the 
court  of  a  magistrate  of  the  city;  if  a  citizen  or  stranger 
wished  to  bring  suit  against  an  Englislunan,  he  could 
choose  between  the  governor's  court  or  that  of  a  local 
magistrate.  In  this  latter  case,  no  appeal  from  the  de- 
cision of  the  governor  was  allowed.  In  case  of  the  in- 
solvency of  an  Englishman,  a  report  had  first  to  be  made 
to  the  deputy  of  the  Company  and  opportunity  given  for 
an  amicable  agreement.  If  this  failed  the  debtor  was 
to  be  incarcerated  in  the  prison  used  for  detaining  insol- 
vent Elbingers,  or  otherwise  proceeded  against  according 


310  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

to  the  common  law  regarding  bankrupts.  In  all  civil  cases 
it  was  permitted  to  act  through  a  proxy;  the  defendant  in 
a  criminal  case,  however,  had  to  appear  in  court.  It  was 
permitted,  also,  to  the  English  to  produce  ^vitnesses  and 
give  testimony.  All  simple  cases  were  to  be  terminated 
within  forty  days  after  the  initial  litigation.  jMore  seri- 
ous matters  were  to  be  treated  in  the  regular  order  of 
trials.  Swift  justice  was  to  be  meted  out  to  any  citizen 
or  any  stranger  who  in  any  way  harmed  an  Englishman; 
likewise  the  governor  was  to  see  that  any  Englishman 
injuring  citizens  or  strangers  in  Elbing,  should  be  sim- 
ilarly punished.  The  English  were  to  have  the  right  of 
the  recovery  of  stolen  goods,  provided  the  owner  paid  the 
expenses  of  the  suit.  The  Company  was  to  have  the  use 
of  the  town  prison  in  which  to  place  refractory  members, 
though  the  magistrates  w^ere  to  be  apprised  each  time  before 
a  person  was  committed. 

Having  established  the  legal  status  of  the  Society  in 
Elbing,  the  privilege  next  provided  for  certain  common- 
place but  none  the  less  essential  matters.  Englishmen 
might  lease  buildings  "as  well  public,  as  private,"  houses, 
shops,  granaries  and  the  like.  In  regard  to  the  purchase 
of  food  and  drink,  they  were  to  be  subject  only  to  such 
rules  as  applied  to  Elbingers.  Next  followed  articles  hav- 
ing to  do  with  the  buying  and  selling  of  merchandise.  In 
general  Englishmen  were  allowed  to  purchase  any  kind 
of  goods  in  Elbing  and  export  the  same.  If,  however, 
a  "pater  familias"  intervened  in  the  bargain  and  wished 
to  purchase  the  goods  in  question,  especially  if  these  were 
articles  of  domestic  use,  these  were  to  be  turned  over  to 
him  without  any  increase  in  price.  If  for  any  reason  Eng- 
lishmen were  not  able  to  export  the  goods  w^hich  they  had 
purchased  in  Elbing,  they  were  to  be  allowed  to  resell 
these  goods  at  wholesale.  In  regard  to  cloth  there  was  a 
special  provision  to  the  effect  that  it  was  to  be  sold  only 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  311 

by  the  piece,  an  exception  being  made,  though,  of  the  very 
expensive  kinds,  which  might  be  sold  by  the  ell. 

Leaving  the  question  of  merchandise,  the  privilege  then 
took  up  the  question  of  labor.  The  Society  and  the  town 
jointly  were  to  fix  the  price  to  be  paid  to  laborers  for 
loading  and  unloading  vessels.  If  the  Elbingers  wished  to 
undertake  the  work,  they  were  to  be  given  the  first  oppor- 
tunity; if  they  refused,  then  the  English  might  employ 
anybody  they  chose.  The  various  petty  officials  of  the 
town,  weighers,  measurers,  masters  of  the  crane,  testors, 
etc.,  were  to  be  chosen  with  the  mutual  consent  of  the 
Senate  and  the  deputies  of  the  Society.  They  were 
to  take  an  oath  of  loyalty  to  both.  In  case  they  displayed 
negligence  or  want  of  good  faith,  they  were  to  be  held 
responsible  for  any  damage  that  might  occur  through  their 
negligence. 

The  last  articles  of  the  privilege  treated  a  variety  of 
subjects.  Each  Englishman  was  permitted  to  entertain  as 
many  visitors  in  his  home  as  were  permitted  to  citizens. 
He  was  allowed  to  dispose  of  his  belongings  by  will 
according  to  the  laws  of  England;  with  the  reservation, 
however,  that  if  he  had  come  into  possession  of  any- 
thing at  Elbing  either  through  a  dowry  or  by  inheritance, 
for  these  things  he  was  to  be  governed  by  the  local 
laws.  The  Society  was  to  have  the  custody  of  the  goods 
of  a  deceased  member.  Should  an  Englishman  wish  to 
leave  the  Society  and  become  a  citizen  of  Elbing,  he  would 
be  accepted  by  the  Elbingers  upon  his  producing  evidence 
of  good  character  and  of  his  dismissal  from  the  Society. 
Thereafter  he  might  hold  real  estate.  Should  an  English- 
man acquire  property  through  the  foreclosure  of  a  mort- 
gage, he  was  permitted  to  sell  this  in  accordance  with  the 
prescriptions  of  the  Civil  Law  on  the  subject.  The  Eng- 
lish were  to  be  free  from  all  exactions  put  upon  the  cit- 
izens by  the  Senate. 


312  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

At  last  came  an  article  which  had  directly  in  view  the 
interest  of  the  Elbingers.  By  it  they  were  granted  priv- 
ileges in  England  similar  to  those  of  the  English  in  El- 
bing.  Then  followed  an  article  providing  for  the  denial 
by  Elbingers  of  rights  and  privileges  to  dishonest  Eng- 
lishmen and  the  banishment  of  any  such  persons 
who  might  have  acquired  citizen  rights;  on  the  other 
hand  any  Elbingers  who  were  "perfidious"  or  spoke 
ill  of  the  city  for  this  grant  of  privilege  were  to  be  cut 
off  in  England  from  participation  in  the  benefits  of  the 
privilege.  The  final  clause  laid  dowoi  the  rule  that  should 
any  case  arise  through  the  ambiguity  of  any  clause  in  this 
agreement,  its  interpretation  should  be  in  accordance  with 
the  rule  of  equity  set  forth  in  the  Civil  Law;  nor  should 
the  validity  of  the  whole  privilege  be  questioned  on  ac- 
count of  doubts  which  might  arise  in  regard  to  particular 
stipulations. 

After  the  town  and  the  Company  were  brought  to  an 
agreement  in  the  foregoing  contract,  there  was  still  left 
to  Herbert  the  increasingly  difficult  and  delicate  task  of 
securing  the  King's  sanction  to  it.  Furthermore  the  King 
was  to  be  sought  to  exempt  the  English  merchants  from 
the  toll  which  he  had  established  at  Elbing  and  to  which 
the  Dantzigers  had  yielded.  For  almost  a  year  the  mat- 
ter dragged.  From  the  time  of  Herbert's  arrival  until 
Christmas  of  1583  the  King  was  inaccessible  to  him.^°*  His 
Majesty  was  engaged  in  an  extended  trip.^"^  Upon  his 
return  from  that,  the  affair  was  brought  to  his  attention 
and  on  February  9,  1584,  he  appointed  a  commission  to 
look  into  the  whole  "cause."  ^°®  Among  the  appointees  to 
this  body,  was  the  Lord  Treasurer  whose  preoccupation 
with  other  affairs  prevented  his  attendance  upon  the  eom- 

104  s.  P.,  Poland,  I,  No.  28. 

105  Hid. 

108  Cottonian,  Galba,  D  XIII,  ff.  48b-49. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  313 

mission,  and  thereby  obstructed  the  whole  negotiation.^*^^ 
So  matters  stood  until  May.  Then  the  Dantzigers,  ever 
anxious  to  thwart  the  action  of  the  Elbingers  with  the 
English,  served  the  city  with  a  royal  prohibitory  mandate 
"that  no  straungers  should  haue  anie  handlinge  in  village 
Towne  or  Citie,  Contrarie  to  the  Constitutions  privileges 
and  customes  of  this  land  of  Pruse. ' '  ^°^  Immediately 
Herbert  had  a  conference  with  the  Elbing  Senators  and 
they  decided  to  send  to  the  King  forthwith  for  his  inter- 
pretation of  the  mandate  and  also  to  request  him  to  em- 
power the  commission  which  he  had  appointed,  to  pro- 
ceed without  the  presence  of  the  Lord  Treasurer/'*^  Upon 
the  return  of  the  messenger,  for  whose  journey  a  month's 
time  was  required,  the  Elbingers  were  reassured. "°  The 
king  had  intended  to  stop  only  wandering  peddlers  who 
tried  to  cheat  the  royal  customs  and  the  tolls  of  the  nobil- 
ity; he  had  not  meant  in  any  way  to  curtail  the  privileges 
of  the  Elbingers.^^^  In  regard  to  the  second  request,  he 
was  quite  willing  for  the  commission  to  begin  its  work 
immediately.^^^ 

At  last  by  the  middle  of  the  summer  1584  the  serious 
consideration  of  the  treaty  began.  The  commission,  com- 
posed of  Peter  Costhca,  Bishop  of  Culmen,  Peter  of  Pol- 
uticze,  Palatine  of  Briesten,  Stephan  Grudzinski,  Castellan 
of  Nakle,  and  Stanislaus  Costhca,  Vice-Chamberlain  of 
Culmen,^"  "Peeres  of  the  Land  of  rare  leaminge,  great 
experience  and  Judgm*^"^^*  came  to  Elbing  in  July  to  in- 

107  s.  p.^  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  Herbert  to  Walsing- 
ham,  August  li*   1584. 

108  fbid. 

109  Ibid. 

110  Ibid. 

111  Ibid. 

112  Ibid. 

113  Cottonian,  Galba,  D  XIII,  f.  G7b.  John  Dulski,  originally  ap- 
pointed, did  not  come  to  Elbing. 

11*  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  Herbert  to  Walsingham, 
August  %4  1584. 


314  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

vestigate  the  whole  subject.  On  the  20th  they  received 
Herbert  and  the  representatives  of  Elbing."^  The  next 
day  they  heard  the  deputies  from  Dantzig  who  presented 
every  possible  argument  against  permitting  the  English 
to  gain  permanent  residence  at  Elbing.^^**  To  their  at- 
tacks Herbert  was  permitted  to  make  answer,  though  the 
more  scurrilous  ones  he  chose  to  ignore.^^'^  On  the  25th  the 
commission  delivered  to  Herbert  the  opinion  of  the  members 
concerning  each  article  of  the  agreement  and  with  that 
their  work  ended.  They  had  been  appointed  only  to  in- 
vestigate. When  both  sides  of  the  question  had  been 
heard  and  a  report  made  to  send  to  the  King,  the  work 
of  the  commission  was  over.  Nevertheless  at  Herbert's  ur- 
gent request  he  was  permitted  to  speak  and  write  further 
in  refutation  of  the  Dantzigers'  arguments.  On  the  27th 
the  conference  was  concluded.^^® 

At  this  meeting  were  brought  to  light  the  possible  points 
of  objection  which  the  King  might  have  to  the  privileges 
accorded  by  the  Elbingers.  First  it  was  contrary  to  the 
"perpetual  pacts  and  privileges"  of  Prussia  for  the  King 
to  confine  any  nation  that  traded  to  his  countries  to  any 
one  town.^^®  Then  there  was  the  much  disputed  point  in 
regard  to  permitting  trade  of  stranger  with  stranger.  The 
Dantzigers  maintained  that  such  transactions  were  unlaw- 
ful. Finally  there  was  the  point  in  regard  to  the  King's 
tolls  at  the  port,  so  lately  conceded  by  Dantzig.     The  com- 

115  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  Herbert  to  Walsing- 
ham,  August  ^4,   1584. 

116 /bid.;  Cottonian,  Galba  D  XIII,  ff.  51-54.  Herbert  wrote  of 
the  Dantzigers,  "They  make  themselues  professed  enymies  to  this 
cause  and  force  (sic)  not  what  charges  they  be  at  to  hinder  thesame, 
eyther,  in  expences  or  Rewardes,  wherein  they  far  surpasse  this 
To^vne   and  o""  Society." 

117  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  Herbert  to  Walsing- 
ham,  August  Vu,   1584;    Cottonian,  Galba  D  XIII,  f.  65. 

118  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  Herbert  to  Walsing- 
ham,  August  ^4.,    1584.  ii9  Ibid. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  315 

missioners  thought  the  first  point  might  be  met  by  having 
the  Queen  "bynd  her  subieets  to  w^  towne  or  place  she 
would.  "^^°  They  apprehended  little  difficulty  in  securing 
royal  sanction  for  free  trade,  seeing  "that  it  was  for  the 
good  of  all  the  nobilitie,  cytizens  and  Inhabitantes  of 
Poland.  "^-^  Lastly  they  could  express  no  opinion  on  the 
question  of  immunity  from  tolls,  since  that  rested  entirely 
with  the  King.^2-  But  everybody  realized  that  the  action 
of  the  Dantzigers  had  made  it  "harde  for  them  of  Elbing 
to  obteine  Exemption. ' '  ^-^  The  King,  always  in  need  of 
funds,  could  hardly  be  expected  to  make  a  free  gift  to 
the  English  and  place  them  in  a  position  more  advan- 
tageous than  that  of  his  own  subjects. 

This  conference  meant  more  to  the  English  cause  than 
the  mere  investigation  and  argument  carried  on  at  El- 
bing. It  also  enabled  Herbert  to  ^^'in  over  these  commis- 
sioners to  his  side.  They  seem  to  have  been  very  much 
pleased  with  his  personality  and  they  treated  him  with 
the  utmost  of  cordiality  and  friendliness.  Before  leaving 
Elbing  they  promised  him  that  should  the  matter  come 
up  before  the  Estates  they  would  use  their  influence  "to 
furder  this  action  ...  to  the  vttermost  they  may. ' '  ^-* 
In  view  of  their  rank  and  prestige,  this  was  no  inconsid- 
erable asset  for  the  English. 

Very  shortly  after  this  the  King  seems  to  have  made 
up  his  mind  to  let  the  final  decision  of  the  matter  rest 
with  the  Estates.  His  chamberlain  told  Herbert  that  His 
Majesty  "for  the  factions  lately  growen  emong  his  nobil- 
itie wolde  not  attempt  an}'  thing  of  importaunce  to  himself ; 

120  s.  P.,  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  Herbert  to  Walsing- 
ham,   August  ^4,   1584. 

121  Ibid. 

122  Ibid. 

123  Ibid. 

^^i  Ibid.  Herbert  apparently  knew  how  to  win  favor.  He  wrote: 
"I  gave  them  entretayment  at  my  lodging  and  at  Seabord,  muche  to 
their   liking  and   contentment." 


316  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

but  wolde  refer  all  to  the  generall  assemblie.""^  Ac- 
cordingly the  first  step  to  be  taken  was  to  submit  the 
question  to  a  convocation  of  the  nobility  which  had  been 
called  to  meet  at  Lublin,  August  20th.  This  assembly  of 
the  magnates  was  preliminary  to  the  meeting  of  the  larger 
body.  Here  it  was  decided  what  matters  should  come  up 
for  debate  in  the  general  assembly.  When  these  points 
were  determined  upon  they  were  then  refen-ed  to  the  local 
assemblies  for  their  consideration  and  in  order  that  they 
might  return  members  instructed  how  to  vote  in  the  Es- 
tates General.^^"  It  was  now  decided  at  Lublin  that  the 
English  question  should  be  one  of  four  to  be  debated  in 
the  Estates,  called  to  meet  at  Warsaw,  January  15.  1585. ^^'^ 
Stephan,  it  seems,  was  by  no  means  satisfied  with  the 
services  of  the  commission  which  had  visited  Elbing.  He 
was  offended  with  the  commissioners  "for  that  they  yelded 
not  up  their  opinions. "  ^-^  In  order,  perhaps,  to  get  first- 
hand information  and  also  to  give  the  English  a  fair  hear- 
ing, he  let  it  be  known  that  he  would  grant  Herbert  and 
the  deputies  of  Elbing  an  audience  at  Lublin.^-^  They 
responded  to  the  King's  invitation  with  alacrity.  On 
August  26th,  "being  Sondaie,  after  Service  and  Sermon, 
at  XI  of  the  clok"  Herbert  had  an  open  audience.^^** 
There  in  the  presence  of  the  King  and  a  large  company 
of  nobles  he  set  forth  the  case  in  elaborate  detail;  and  as 
he  had  been  told  beforehand  by  the  Lord  High  Marshal 
that  new  commissioners  "might  be  chosen,  oute  of  the 
bodie  of  the  nobilitie   there   assembled"  he   directed  his 


125  Cottonian,   Galba   D   XIII,   f.   6,   Herbert   to   Walsingham,   No- 
vember %6,  1584. 

126  s.   p.,   Poland,  I,   document  unnumbered,   Herbert   to  Walsing- 
ham, November  %%,   1584. 

127  Hid. 

128  Cottonian,  Galba  D  XIII,  f.  6. 

129  Ibid. 

130  Hid. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  317 

speech  "to  that  end."^^^  He  took  up  all  these  points  iu 
"such  order,"  he  wrote  to  Walsingham,  "as  the  tyme  and 
my  small  skill  did  give  me  leave. ' ' "-  "When  he  had  fin- 
ished the  King  called  his  chancellor  to  him,  "and  con- 
ferred long  "v^dth  him.  "^^^  Then  the  chancellor  replied 
to  Herbert's  speech.  The  King,  he  said,  was  sorry  for 
the  long  delays  but  "urgent  affaires  had  bene  cause 
thereof"  and  now  owing  to  the  many  complications  in- 
volved he  had  determined  to  appoint  a  new  commission, 
"who  should  further  debate  of,  and  p'ase  the  cause,"  and 
that  thereupon  Herbert  should  have  "further  answer  and 
such  as  should  be  to  hir  Ma'^  contentment."^^* 

A  few  days  later  the  King  fulfilled  his  promise  and 
appointed  the  commission  which  was  to  sit  immediately 
at  Levartow,  a  town  in  Lithuania,  near  Lublin.  These 
commissioners,  of  whom  Nicholas  Firley  was  the  most 
prominent,  were  "noblemen  of  birth,  honored  for  their 
authoritie,  and  allotted  to  great  estate  by  reason  of  their 
wisdome  and  experience. ' '  "^  ]\Iore  important  than  their 
learning  perhaps,  from  a  practical  point  of  view,  was  the 
fact  that  they  were  men  "well  affectioned  to  the  cause."  ^^' 

However,  their  instructions  allowed  them  little  latitude 
to  aid  the  English.  In  the  first  place,  they  were  not  em- 
powered to  conclude  anything,  since  that  was  to  be  left 
to  the  general  assembly.  They  were  apparently  to  dis- 
courage the  English  from  asking  for  anything  obviously 
impossible  to  grant.  They  were  "to  have  due  considera- 
tion of  the  late  libertie,  graunted  by  the  king,  to  the  El- 
bingers,  touching  the  frer  handling  between  straunger  and 
straunger,  with  proviso  and  condition,  that  the  reven[ue] 

131  Cottonian,  Galba  D  XIII,  f.  6, 

132  Ihid. 

133  Hid. 

134  Ibid. 

135  Ibid. 

136  Ibid. 


318  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

of  the  Crowne  might  not  therby  any  wies  be  deminished 
and  so  carefullie  that  the  English  nation  might  be  planted, 
upon  equal  conditions,  without  any  prejudice  of  the  lawes 
of  the  lande."!" 

The  ten  days  (August  21  to  September  1)  ^^^  spent  by 
the  commissioners  at  Levartow  were  crowded  with  activity. 
Deputies  from  Dantzig  and  from  Elbing  were  heard  in 
defense  of  their  respective  positions ;  petitions  were  re- 
ceived and  considered;  ^^°  letters  passed  back  and  forth  to 
and  from  the  king ;  numerous  consultations  were  held  upon 
the  points  in  dispute.  Herbert  relatas  that  one  day  he 
was  summoned  to  appear  "by  six  of  the  clock  in  the  morn- 
ing" and  that  he  remained  with  the  commissioners  until 
night.^*" 

Of  the  many  points  that  came  up  for  discussion  and  dis- 
pute, none  apparently  was  so  difficult  of  adjustment  as 
that  in  regard  to  the  King's  toll  at  the  port.  For  some 
reason  the  merchants  seemed  obsessed  with  the  desire  for 
exemption  from  it.^*^  The  King,  as  has  been  seen,  had 
no  reason  to  grant  it  and  had  instructed  the  commissioners 
to  refuse  it.  Herbert  himself  could  see  no  grounds  upon 
which  the  English  or  the  Elbingers  could  claim  this  ex- 
emption. However  he  held  out  for  it  until  the  last  moment. 
Finally  the  commissioners  were  on  the  point  of  leaving 
Levartow,  their  carriages  were  in  readiness  for  departure, 
but  they  delayed  long  enough  to  come  to  Herbert's  lodging 
and  there  made  one  last  appeal  for  the  concession  of  this 

137  Cottonian,   Galba   D  XIII,   f.   6. 

138  lUrl. 

^^^Ihid.;  S.  P.,  Poland,  I.  document  unnumbered,  copy  of  a  peti- 
tion of  the  Elbingers  to  the  king. 

140  Cottonian,   Galba   D  XIII,   f.   6. 

141  An  obsession  with  which  Herbert  had  little  patience.  He  con- 
sidered it  too  small  a  matter,  "not  above  on  per  cents,"  over  which 
to  haggle.  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  Herbert  to 
Walsingham,  August  ^g    1584. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  319 

point. ^*-  Then  with  the  advice  of  Mr.  Salkins,  the  mer- 
chant, he  yielded.^*^  At  the  same  time  he  affixed  the  con- 
ditions that  it  should  be  levied  upon  all  persons  sailing 
from  the  port  of  Elbing  and  that  there  should  be  no  in- 
crease of  it  either  directly  by  raising  it  or  indirectly 
through  the  high  appraisement  of  goods."*  Several  rea- 
sons, Herbert  related  to  Walsingham,  induced  him  to  yield 
this  point. "^  He  had  been  assured  by  the  nobility  at 
Lublin  "that  withoute  yelding  to  that,  nothing  wolde  be 
assented  to";^*®  an  impression  which  seems  to  have  pre- 
vailed with  the  Elbingers  also,  who  urged  him  to  com- 
promise. Should  the  negotiation  fail,  they  would  be  "un- 
done," not  only  because  of  the  humiliation  of  having 
failed  but  also  because  of  the  large  sums  which  they  had 
expended."^  More  than  that,  Herbert  felt  that  if  the  Eng- 
lish merchants  "miss  of  their  settling  here  now,"  they 
' '  are  never  like  to  obtein  it  hereafter. ' '  "^  It  would  be 
very  mortify- ing  to  the  English  "to  be  enforced  by  the 
sinister  dealings  of  the  Dansckers,  to  repaire  to  theim 
ageinst  their  wdlles. ' '  ^*® 

A  second  point  upon  which  the  commissioners  insisted, 
came  up  in  connection  with  the  reciprocity  clause  in  the 
privilege.  The  Poles  were  not  satisfied  to  have  the  re- 
ciprocal privileges  limited  to  Elbingers,  but  asked  that 
all  the  King's  subjects  be  permitted  to  export  cloths  "upon 
English  custome."^^°  AYith  this  notion  Herbert  had  no 
sympathy.  To  him  this  seemed  a  foible  of  the  nobility  who 
"regarde  but  the  outeward  shewe  of  the  demaunde,  and 

142  Cottonian,   Galba  D   XIII,   f.   6. 
143 /5tc/.;  Cottonian,  Nero  B  II,  f.  161. 

144  Cottonian,   Galba  D   XIII,   f.   6. 

145  Hid. 

146  1  bid. 
14T  lUd. 

148  lUd. 

149  lUd. 

150  Ibid. 


320  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

weigh  not  the  just  cause  of  the  thing."  ^''^  But  should  he 
have  been  disposed  to  consider  this,  his  instructions  would 
have  forbade  his  conceding  it.  Accordingly  he  labored 
with  the  commissioners  so  earnestly  that  they  promised 
to  use  their  influence  to  persuade  the  King  to  withdraw 
the  demand.^°^ 

On  September  1  the  commissioners  left  Levartow  ^vith 
the  understanding  that,  since  they  were  only  to  investigate 
the  case  and  had  no  authority  to  conclude  anything,  they 
would  choose  one  of  their  number  to  report  their  findings 
to  the  king  ''w*^*^  could  not  well  be  done  under  the  space 
of  five  weekes.  "^"  For  this  office  the  commissioners  se- 
lected the  Castellan  of  Lublin.  Herbert  was  then  to  send 
a  messenger  ''to  attend  on"  the  spokesman.^^* 

The  next  task  that  confronted  Herbert  was  the  cam- 
paign to  bring  over  the  nobility  to  favor  the  English 
cause.  On  their  way  back  from  Levartow  to  Elbing,  he 
and  the  burgomaster  of  Elbing  paid  a  visit  to  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Gnesne,  the  "primus  Poloniae  Princeps, "  ^^' 
with  whom  they  conferred  for  three  days.  Since  the  arch- 
bishop "ever  had  bene  an  especiall  favorer"  of  the  Eng- 
lish, it  was  not  a  difficult  matter  to  secure  his  active  co- 
operation.^^^  He  immediately  wrote  letters  to  the  King  and 
his  chief  officials  in  which  he  recommended  the  affair.^^'^ 
Since  he  had  "great  authoritie"  in  the  assembly  as  well 
as  at  court,  he  was  an  ally  of  the  first  magnitude.^^^  But 
Herbert  did  not  cease  his  labors  at  this  point.     Upon  his 

151  Cottonian,   Galba  D  XIII,   f.   6. 

152  Ibid. 

153  Ihid. 

'i^^ilbid.;  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  Herbert  to  Vese- 
linius,   Stephan's   Chamberlain,   September   11,    1584. 

155  Cottonian,  Galba  D  XIII,  f.  6.;  Nero  B  II,  f.  161. 

156  Ihid. 

15T  Ibid.;  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  copies  of  the 
Archibishop's  letters,  dated,  September  11,   1584. 
158  Cottonian,  Galba  D  XIII,  f.  6. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  321 

return  to  Elbing  he  v/rote  home  to  Walsingham  and  he 
urged  that  the  cause  be  vigorously  ' '  pursued ' '  by  the  home 
government.  He  advised  that  new  letters  be  sent  from 
Her  Majesty  "to  the  king  particularlie  and  to  the  States 
in  generall, "  from  the  Privy  Council  to  the  members  of 
the  two  commissions  which  had  considered  the  cause, 
from  the  Lord  Chancellor  of  England  to  the  Lord  Chan- 
cellor of  Poland,  from  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  to 
the  Archbishop  of  Gnesne  "with  a  copie  of  Lindwood 
upon  the  constitutions  provinciall  of  Canterbury;  which 
he  praied  me  to  procure  him,"  from  the  Lord  Treasurer 
of  England  to  the  Lord  Treasurer  of  "Littow,"  from  the 
Earl  of  Leicester  or  the  Lord  Chamberlain  to  Stephan's 
Lord  Chamberlain  and  finally  from  "Walsingham  to  Baran- 
owkie,  the  Polish  chief  secretary. ^^^  Herbert  himself  had 
written  to  or  conferred  with  all  of  these  persons.^^" 

As  further  preparation  for  the  obtaining  of  a  favorable 
decision  from  the  general  assembly,  Herbert  wrote  to 
Walsingham  and  requested  him  "to  deale  effectually  with 
the  Society,  that  ther  be  speedie  order  set,  to  haue  monie 
taken  vp  to  supplie  the  charges  it  standeth  the  Societies 
and  oure  nation  much  vpon  to  haue  this  wiage  performed 
with  much  more  credit  and  estimation  then  any  of  the 
former."  ^^^ 

Following  Herbert's  suggestion  in  regard  to  sending  let- 
ters, "Walsingham  saw  to  it  that  letters  were  addressed 
in  the  Queen's  name  to  the  king,  to  the  nobility,  to  the 
Elector   of   Brandenburg   and    others   whose   aid   was   re- 

159  Cottonian,   Galba   D  XIII,   f.   6. 

180  s.  P.,  Poland,  I,  documents  unnumbered,  Herbert  to  Veselinius, 
Stephan's  Chamberlain,  September  11,  1584,  with  the  reply  of  the 
Chamberlain,  September  25,  1584,  also  Herbert  to  Baranowski, 
Stephan's  chief  secretary,  September  11,  1584,  with  Baranowski's 
reply,  September  25,  1584. 

161  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  Herbert  to  Walsing- 
ham, November  ^g,  1584. 


322  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

quested  in  the  furtherance  of  the  cause. ^"^  In  regard  to 
the  sending  of  funds,  it  was  thought  in  England  that  the 
Elbingers  should  aid  in  the  expenses  of  the  trip  to  War- 
saw. The  Queen's  letter  to  that  city  definitely  set  forth 
such  a  request.^*'^  Owing,  no  doubt,  to  the  difficulty  of 
communication  between  Elbing  and  England,  these  letters 
did  not  reach  their  destination  until  after  the  general 
assembly  had  been  in  session  for  some  weeks. 

Herbert,  who  had  also  asked  Walsingham  for  instruc- 
tions in  regard  to  his  course  at  Warsaw,  had  foreseen  the 
likelihood  of  their  not  reaching  him  before  his  departure. 
Accordingly,  in  order  to  have  some  guide  for  his  policy 
there  he  had  "p'suaded  w''*  the  Towne  and  Deputy 
and  Assistants  here  to  have  certen  colloquies  what  I 
might  do,  if  further  advice  came  not  from  yo  H.""  Therein 
we  spent  two  monethes  and  more,  and  w*^  much  Difficultye 
have  agreed  of  all  points  and  articles"  ^^*  .  .  .  That 
his  position  as  mediator  was  no  enviable  one,  can  be  seen 
from  his  complaint:  "I  had  much  difficulty  to  agre  the 
Towne  deputies  and  the  Assistants  the  Assistants  being 
bent  to  have  all  liberties  here  that  might  any  way  further 
their  Comodityes,  the  deputies  of  the  Towne  having  re- 
gard to  the  Colloquie  at  Leuartow  cold  hardly  be  brought 
to  assent  to  altre  the  same,  as  untill  this  veary  mornyng 
the  Articles  were  not  signed.  Therefore  I  am  to  crave 
pardon  at  y'"  hands,  for  I  fj'^nd  hit  hard  to  please  a  multi- 
tude, that  will  not  respect  the  dyversity  betwene  on  nacn 
and  another."  ^^'^ 

On  January  7,  1585,  Herbert  set  out  for  Warsaw  ^®® 
where  he  expected  to  meet  the  deputy  and  assistants  of 
the  Company  who  were  to  come  there  from  a  fair  which 

162  Cottonian,  Galba  D  XII,  flf.  78-80;  Nero  B  II,  f.  164. 

163  Cottonian,  Galba  D  XIII,  f.  39. 

164  Cottonian,  Vespasian  F  XII,  f.   145. 

165  Hid. 
168  lUd. 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  323 

they  were  visiting  in  the  vicinity.  There  they  waited  for 
nearly  two  months  before  they  attained  the  object  of  their 
quest.  This  delay  was  not  caused  by  any  uncertainty  on 
the  part  of  the  assembly  as  to  the  action  it  would  take, 
but  merely  through  the  press  of  businesss.  All  the  local 
assemblies  of  the  nobility  had  favored  the  plan.^°^  At 
last  on  March  5,  1585,  the  Estates  declared  their  approval 
bj^  endorsing  the  King's  grant  of  free  trade  made  at  the 
beginning  of  his  reign.^^^ 

It  is  not  difficult  to  see  why  the  nobility  displayed  such 
seeming  generosity  to  the  English.  This  was  a  measure 
as  much  to  their  interest  as  to  that  of  the  subjects  of 
Elizabeth.  Wlien  Herbert  marveled  at  the  extraordinary 
courtesy  extended  to  him  and  wrote  that  "Truly  her 
Ma*®  is  much  beholding  to  the  nobility ' '  ^®®  he  innocently 
ascribed  to  these  gentlemen  motives  which  probably  played 
little  part  in  their  actions.  It  is  far  more  likely  that  they 
were  considering  how  opportune  were  these  overtures  of 
the  English  who  would  deliver  them  from  the  commercial 
tyranny  of  the  Dantzigers.  An  open  market  where  com- 
petition could  have  free  play  would  mean  as  much  to  them 
as  it  would  mean  to  the  English. 

As  soon  as  the  general  assembly  had  confirmed  the  grant 
of  free  trade,  Herbert  requested  the  King  to  send  to  the 
chancery  and  have  a  copy  of  the  colloquies  of  Levartow  ^^° 
made  and  sealed  and  presented  to  him.^"^  These,  with 
the  agreement  made  with  the  Elbingers,  constituted  the 
basis  upon  which  the  English  commercial  rights  were  to 
rest  thereafter. 

167  Cottonian,  Vespasian  F  XII,  f.  145. 

168  s.  p.^  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  Herbert  to  Stephan, 
March  6,   1585. 

169  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  Herbert  to  Walsing- 
ham,  November  %8,  1584. 

iTo  Cottonian,  Galba  D  XIII,  f.  73. 

171  S.  p.,  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  Herbert  to  Stephan, 
March  6,  1585. 


324  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

There  remained  still  one  more  duty  to  be  performed 
before  Herbert  could  return  to  England.  This  was  a  visit 
to  the  Duke  of  Prussia.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Dr. 
Rogers  had  been  instructed  to  see  him,  though  there  was 
no  specified  request  to  be  made  other  than  for  his  good 
will.  Neither  Rogers  nor  Herbert  up  to  this  time  had 
found  opportunity  to  carry  out  that  injunction.  But  now 
Herbert  hastened  to  seek  out  the  duke  and  solicit  his 
favor  for  the  merchants.  This  was  of  considerable  prac- 
tical importance  since  the  duke  controlled  the  Pillauer 
Tief  and  levied  a  tax  there  upon  all  ships  passing  through. 
The  promise  was  now  obtained  of  an  unimpeded  traffic 
upon  the  payment  of  the  customary  dues.^'- 

After  making  on  May  11,  1585,  a  more  explicit,  though 
no  more  extensive  grant  of  privileges  to  the  Elbingers  in 
England,  Herbert's  work  was  at  last  accomplished.^'^  He 
had  spent  almost  two  years  of  conscientious  effort  to  that 
end  and  his  success  was  complete.  It  is  true  he  had  not 
obtained  for  the  merchants  all  for  which  they  had  asked, 
but  he  had  obtained  all  that  they  could,  in  reason,  have 
expected.  And  through  it  all,  he  preserved  a  dignified, 
modest  demeanor  worthy  of  the  gentleman  that  he  was. 
By  the  middle  of  the  summer  he  had  returned  to  the  Eng- 
land for  which  he  so  longed  during  his  protracted  ab- 
sence.^'^* 

172  Cottonian,  Nero  B  II,  f.  166;  Behring,  p.  5. 

i"3  s.  P.J  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  endorsed  "Sr  Jh. 
Herberts  Priuiledge  to  Elbinge." 

171  S.  P.,  Poland,  I,  document  unnumbered,  Herbert  to  Walsing- 
ham,  August  j  M4,  1584:  "To  morow  I  must  take  my  journey,  god 
send  me  a  spedy  dispatch,  and  that  I  may  once  returne  to  England 
egaine.  I  here  yo  h :  liath  a  determynacon  to  send  me  to  demark 
and  so  to  prolong  my  repaire  home.  Truly  yf  it  so  happen  I  feare 
me  I  sliall  never  se  yo  h:  ageine.  The  extremyty  of  the  wintre  is 
suche,  as  I  shall  hardly  be  able  to  broke  liit.  Therefore  let  ine  in- 
treat  yo  h:  thowghe  this  acton  take  not  place  at  Lublin,  and  p'haps 
may  be  referred  to  the  general!  states,  that  wilbe  held  at  Christmas, 


THE  ENGLISH  AT  ELBING  325 

Once  established  at  Elbing,  the  English  remained  there 
for  almost  half  a  century.  During  the  later  years  of 
Elizabeth's  reign,  however,  their  stay  there  was  repeatedly 
jeopardized  by  the  inimical  maneuvers  of  the  Dantzigers 
and  others,  enemies  of  the  English.  But  at  each  encounter 
the  Elizabethan  diplomats  proved  equal  to  the  occasion 
and  the  mercantile  interest  was  conserved.  Not  only  the 
English  but  the  Elbingers  had  reason  to  take  pains  to 
overcome  the  machinations  against  the  trade,  for,  says 
Camden,  "Elbing  .  .  .  oweth  a  great  part  of  its 
Beauty  and  Splendour,  and  the  great  Resort  of  People 
to  it,  to  the  Commerce  and  Trade  of  the  English.  "^^^ 

that  I  may  have  librety  to  repaire  home  afore  the  wintre.  For 
over  and  besides  that  I  distrust  myne  owne  helth  and  know  myne 
ability  not  to  be  able  to  beare  the  charges,  I  know  it  is  not  con- 
venyent  that  so  meane  a  p'sonage  so  meanely  accompagned  as  I 
am  like  to  be,  shold  represent  the  place  I  do,  in  so  great  an  assem- 
bly." 

I'^s  Camden,   p.   539,   annals   for   the   years    1597-8. 


CONCLUSION 

In  looking  back  over  the  field  it  appears  that  in  the 
latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  English  trade  to  East- 
land developed  such  volume  and  importance  as  it  had 
never  attained  before.  Difficulties  were  met  and  overcome, 
or  disregarded.  The  fact  that  the  voyage  was  dangerous, 
that  pirates  infested  the  seas,  that  the  Hanse  offered  stub- 
born opposition  and  keen  competition — all  of  these  com- 
bined could  not  undermine  or  destroy  the  trade.  The 
goods  of  Eastland  were  too  necessary  to  the  English  nation 
and  Eastland  was  too  good  a  market  for  English  manu- 
facturers for  the  merchants  to  allow  these  obstacles  to 
hamper  their  activity.  By  persevering  in  their  trade,  even 
though  conditions  were  often  discouraging,  by  making  the 
most  of  each  opening  and  advantage,  by  using  every  means 
in  their  power,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  the  Eastland 
merchants  were  at  last  rewarded  with  a  good  measure  of 
success.  By  the  end  of  the  century  they  were  carrying 
on  a  trade  which  was  comparable  in  many  respects  to  that 
of  the  Merchant  Adventurers. 

The  rise  of  a  new  problem  led  to  a  new  phase  of  devel- 
opment. In  1578  it  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  Eastland  mer- 
chants to  aid  in  the  indemnification  of  some  Danes  who  had 
been  the  victims  of  the  depredations  of  English  pirates. 
"With  the  advent  of  new  difficulties  came  the  effort  to  meet 
them  the  most  effectively.  To  do  this  it  seemed  necessary 
and  desirable  to  the  men  engaged  in  that  traffic  that  they 
should  organize  a  commercial  company  to  carry  on  a  regu- 
lated trade.  The  government  was  not  averse  to  this  idea 
and  after  some  negotiation  a  charter  was  granted  to  the 
merchants.  By  this  instrument  the  new  Company  was  en- 
dowed with  large  powers  and  privileges  which  gave  it  the 

326 


CONCLUSION  327 

monopoly  and  control  of  the  Baltic  trade,  so  far  as  Eng- 
lishmen were  concerned  in  it. 

In  the  exercise  of  these  powers  the  organization  came  in 
contact  with  the  government  in  various  ways.  The  prob- 
lem of  piracy  which  had  precipitated  the  formation  of  the 
Company  continued  to  bring  it  constantly  in  touch  with  the 
government.  Although  the  Company  did  not  relieve  the 
government  of  this  embarrassment,  as  it  was  hoped  that  it 
would,  at  certain  critical  times  it  did  help  to  tide  over  a 
breach  with  Denmark  by  the  advancing  of  money  to  meet 
the  claims  of  the  Danes.  The  establishment  and  mainte- 
nance of  the  monopoly  led  the  Company  to  enlist  the  aid 
of  the  government  in  its  affairs.  In  addition  to  this  the 
company  looked  to  the  government  for  aid  in  securing 
privileges  abroad  and  for  obtaining  redress  for  injuries 
done  them  by  foreign  states.  This  aid,  however,  was  con- 
fined to  the  use  of  prestige  and  influence,  for  the  Company 
usually  paid  the  actual  expenses  of  the  agents  or  embas- 
sies sent  to  negotiate  on  these  questions. 

Following  close  upon  the  heels  of  organization  came  the 
settling  of  the  English  merchants  at  Elbing.  In  this  as 
in  so  many  other  things  they  showed  their  ability  to  turn 
what  might  seem  to  be  a  misfortune  into  an  advantage. 
Scarcely  had  Dantzig  turned  them  out  before  they  grasped 
the  drift  of  Polish  politics  and  the  significance  for  them 
of  the  enmity  of  the  Elbingers  for  the  Dantzigers.  Mak- 
ing good  use  of  this  factor  in  the  situation  they  were  able 
to  establish  themselves  at  Elbing  in  a  far  more  favorable 
position  than  they  had  ever  enjoyed  at  Dantzig.  Al- 
though the  attainment  of  formal  recognition,  by  the  King 
and  Estates  of  Poland,  of  their  newly  acquired  privileges, 
involved  a  tedious  and  expensive  process,  they  did  not  wa- 
ver. In  consequence,  they  continued  to  enjoy  these  privi- 
leges for  half  a  century. 

In  general  the  development  which  took  place  in  the  East- 


328    •  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

land  trade  is  characteristic  of  that  of  all  English  trade  un- 
der Elizabeth.  In  many  eases  the  same  merchants  who 
were  pushing  out  for  trade  into  other  portions  of  Ger- 
many, Russia  and  the  Levant  were  engaged  in  it.  The 
Eastland  trade  further  illustrates  how  eager  were  the 
Elizabethan  merchants  for  the  advancement  of  their  own 
and  their  country's  economic  well-being  and  how  success- 
ful they  were  in  overtaking  and  in  some  cases  outstripping 
their  competitors  in  the  race  for  economic  power. 


APPENDIX 

The  merchants  named  in  the  charter  of  the  Eastland  Company. 
Patent  Roll,  21  Elizabeth,  part  11,  membrane  21  i  are  ".  .  .  . 
Edwarde  Osborne  Thomas  Pullyson  2  George  Barne  George  Bonde  3 
Aldermen  of  our  said  Cittye  of  London  Cristofer  Hoddesdon  Thomas 
Wylford  Roberte  Hilson  VVylliam  Cokayne  Hughe  Offley  Thomaa 
Allen  Rychard  Gourney  *  Edmonde  Boldro  John  and  Henrye  Isham  of 
our  said  Cittye  of  London  mercers  Richard  Staper  John  Burnell 
Roger  Watson  thelder  Wyllyam  Salkyns  s  John  Bodleigh  6  tbelder 
Wyllyam  Bonde  Margarette  Bonde  wydowe  Nicholas  Pierson  Thomaa 
Russell  Roger  Floide  '  Willyam  Watson  draper  John  Langton  John 
Collett  Peter  Collett  Stephen  Collett  Blase  Freman  John  Howgh » 
Robert  Maiott  Richard  Wyllys  »  Edmonde  Burlace  Wyllyam  Tower- 
son  John  Foxall  Hugh  Gold  Wyllyam  Barker  Jerome  Bele  Godfry 
Wylson  10  Thomas  Bramley  George  Holmes  Thomas  Cambell  Augus- 
tyne  Fulkes  Richard  Lewis  armerer  Hugh  More  n  Jervys  Symondes 
Robert  Coley  12  Anthonye  Stanlack  James  Newman  Frauncys 
Gierke  i3  Thomas  Tenycar  1*  Wyllyam  Helman  Robert  Walton  Roberte 
Strete  Humfrey  Lee  George  Rookes  Henrye  Walton  John  Taylor  is 
Thomas  Cokayne  is  John  Bodligh  the  yonger  Nicholas  Sympson 
Thomas  Gurney  i^  Bryan  Carmarden  and  Thomas  Slatter     .     .     ." 

^A  copy  of  the  charter  is  In  S.  P.,  Dom.,  Eliz.  131,  No.  70.  Some  of 
the  names  are  there  spelled  differently.  Such  differences  are  noted 
below. 

*S.   P.,  Pullison. 


»s. 

p., 

Bond. 

*s. 

p., 

Gorney. 

»s. 

p., 

Salkins. 

•s. 

p.. 

Bodligh. 

'S. 

p., 

Fludd. 

»s. 

p., 

Howghe. 

"S. 

p., 

Willis. 

"  s. 

p. 

Wilson. 

"S. 

p. 

,   Moore. 

12  s. 

p. 

,    Coly. 

"S. 

p. 

Clarke. 

"S. 

p. 

Tynaker. 

IS  s 

p. 

Tailor. 

leg 

p. 

Cokayn. 

"S 

p. 

Gorney. 

329 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES 

Primary  Sources. 

The  MSS.  sources  consulted  in  the  preparation  of  this 
monograph  are  those  found  in  the  Record  Office,  the  British 
Museum,  the  Guildliall  at  London,  and  the  collection  of  the 
Marquis  of  Salisbury  at  Hatfield  House.  The  materials 
at  the  Record  Office  that  proved  of  most  value  were  those 
classified  in  the  State  Papers,  Poland.  The  first  paper  in 
Bundle  I  bears  the  date  1578.  Although  the  Calendar  of 
State  Papers,  Foreign,  now  extends  through  the  year  1582, 
so  far  the  Polish  papers  have  not  been  included.  In  mak- 
ing references  to  these  documents  it  has  been  necessary 
to  refer  to  them  by  number  since  they  have  not  as  yet 
been  bound  nor  the  folios  marked.  The  State  Papers, 
Domestic,  yielded  much  material  that  is  only  suggested  by 
the  brief  entries  in  the  calendar.  At  the  British  Museum 
the  Lansdowne,  the  Cottonian,  the  Harleian,  the  Sloane, 
and  the  Royal  Collections  all  yielded  something  of  value. 
The  Cottonian  proved  the  richest  field  for  research.  The 
records  at  the  Guildhall  contained  many  suggestive  entries. 
This  was  particularly  true  of  the  Repertories.  The  gen- 
erous excerpts  given  by  the  Historical  MSS.  Commission 
of  the  MSS.  at  Hatfield  House  were  adequate  in  most  in- 
stances, though  in  one  or  two  cases  an  examination  of  the 
originals  brought  to  light  further  material  of  importance 
for   this   study. 

Of  the  sources  that  have  found  their  way  into  print  the 
Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  New  Series,  London,  1890 — , 
furnished   information   of  the   greatest   value. 

The  Calendars  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  for  the  period 
furnish  many  suggestive  entries  but  the  fact  that  in  many 
cases  important  documents  are  dismissed  in  a  sentence 
renders  them  much  less  useful  than  they  might  otherwise 
have  been. 

The  Calendars  of  State  Papers,  Foreign,  were  very  good 
for  the  period  they  cover.  Liberal  paraphrases  of  the 
documents  and  numerous  direct  quotations  make  them  of 
special  value.  However  as  has  been  said  the  series  at 
present   ends   with   the   year    1582. 

The  Calendars  of  State  Papers,  Spanish,  Venetian,  and 
Colonial,   East   Indies,    afi'ord    a   little    material. 

The  Forty-fifth  and  Forty-seventli  Reports  of  the  Deputy 
Keeper  of  the  Public  Records  in  the  appendices  contain  re- 
331 


332  TRADE  IN  THE  BALTIC 

ports  on  the  archives  of  Denmark  and  on  the  libraries  of 
Sweden  by  Rev.  William  Dunn  Macray.  The  documents 
calendared  there  were  often  very  illuminating. 

The  Reports  of  the  Historical  MSS.  Commission,  particu- 
larly the  reports  of  the  Hatfield  House  MSS.,  proved  of 
some  value. 

Rymer,  Foedera,  Conventiones,  Literae  et  cujuscunque 
generis  Acta  Publica  inter  Reges  Angliae.  Hagae  Comitie 
Edition,  1742. 

The  Acts  and  Ordinances  of  the  Eastland  Company,  Lon- 
don, 1906.  Edited  by  Maud  Sellers  and  published  by  the 
Camden   Society,   3d   Series,   XI. 

Hakluyt,  Principal  Navigations,  Voyages,  Traffiques, 
and  Discoveries  of  the  English  Nation.  12  vols.  Glasgow, 
1903-1905. 

Wheeler,   A  Treatise  of   Commerce,   London,   1601. 

Camden,  History  of  Elizabeth,  Queen  of  England.  Lon- 
don,   1688. 

Stow,  Survey  of  London,  Kingsford  Edition,  Oxford, 
1908. 

Behring,  Beitrage  zur  Geschichte  der  Stadt  Elbing,  Elb- 
ing,  1900.  In  this  book  are  printed  the  sources  for  the 
account  of  the  relations  between  Dantzig  and  Elbing  during 
the  summer  of   1577. 

Secondary  Works. 

Allen,  Hiatoire  de  Daneraark  depuis  les  temps  le  plus 
recules  a  nos  jours — traduit  d'apres  la  septieme  edition 
danoise  par  E.  Beauvois,  2  vol.  Copenhagen  1878. 
This  is  the  best  general  history  of  Denmark.  It  contains 
a  bibliography  of  a  hundred  pages. 

Bain,  Slavonic  Europe,  a  Political  History  of  Poland 
and  Russia   1447   to   1796.     Cambridge,   1908. 

Lingelbach,  The  Internal  Organization  of  the  Merchant 
Adventurers   of   England.     Philadelphia,    1903. 

Burgon,  Life  and  Letters  of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham.  2 
vol.     London,    1839. 

Schanz,  Englische  Handelspolitik  gegen  Ende  des  Mittel- 
alters.     2  vol.   Leipzig,   1881. 

Ehrenberg,  England  und  Hamburg  im  Zeitalter  der 
Konigin  Elizabeth.     Jena,  1896. 

Other  books  used  for  but  a  single  reference  in  the  thesis, 
are  mentioned  in  the  footnotes. 


INDEX 


Abdullah  Khan,  favorable  to 
Muscovy  Company,  148,  151, 
154,  156;  privileges  granted 
by,   151,   153;   death  of,   156. 

Adams,  Clement,  8. 

Admiralty  Court,  verdict  against 
interlopers,   52. 

Agents  of  Muscovy  Company,  16, 
35 ;  duties  and  powers  of,  35, 
201 ;  authority  of,  in  Russia, 
75;  instructions  to,  93,  129; 
difficulties  of,  133,  151,  159, 
171,  202;  quarrels  among,  155, 
159,  176;  independent,  for 
Persia,  200;  achievement  of, 
210. 

Alcock,  Thomas,  in  service  of 
Muscovy  Company,  56 ;  factor 
for  Persia,  154;  murder  of, 
ibid. 

Allen,  Thomas,  sent  to  Dantzig 
to  purchase  ship-stores,  222- 
223 ;  charter  member  of  East- 
land Company,  260;  commis- 
sioned to  supply  English  navy 
with  ship-stores,  284-285. 

Ambassadors,  Venetian,  in  Eng- 
land, 12,  20,  24,  55;  Swedish, 
in  England,  55;  Danish,  in 
England,  58;  from  the  East  to 
Russia,  140;  English,  at  the 
Porte,  223 ;  Polish,  in  England, 
282,  284;  English,  in  Russia, 
see  Bowes,  Fletcher,  Horsey, 
Jenkinson,  Randolph,  and  Syl- 
vester; English,  in  Poland,  see 
Rogers  and  Herbert;  Russian, 
in  England,  see  Mikoulcve, 
Napea,  Pissemsky,  and  Sa- 
viena. 

Apprentices,  261,  263,  264. 


Ardebil,  149,  168,  176. 

Armada,  Spanish,  91. 

Armenia,  trading  rights  granted 
to  Muscovy  Company,  50. 

Armenians,  rivalry  of,   168,  205. 

Arrash,   149,   151,   168,   179. 

Artificers,  English,  sent  to  Rus- 
sia, 55,  59,  60. 

Assistants,  of  Eastland  Company, 
265 ;  of  Muscovy  Company,  see 
Consuls  and  Assistants. 

Astrakhan,  84;  Russian  outpost, 
132;  a  mart  town,  132,  203; 
besieged,  175,  188;  proposed 
center  of  Persian  trade,  184, 
185;  English  preparations  at, 
206. 

Attorney  General,  the,  254,  272. 

Bacon,  Francis,  227. 

Baku,  factors  at,  189,  190. 

Bannister,  Thomas,  40,  43,  64,  84, 
222,  231,  238;  factor  for  Per- 
sia, 175;  granted  trading 
privileges,  177;  activities  of, 
177,  178,   179;   death  of,  179. 

Barbarini,  Raphael,  overthrown 
by  Musco\'y  Company,  164. 

Barnel,  John,  299. 

Barnes,  George,  26,  28,  30,  260. 

Bassendine,  James,  104,  105,  106. 

Bathory,  Stephan,  chosen  king  of 
Poland,  287;  quarrel  with 
Dantzig,  288-289;  Rogers  sent 
to,  297;  visited  by  Rogers,  301; 
conciliated  by  Dantzig,  305; 
appoints  commission  to  deal 
with  Herbert,  312;  limitation 
of  powers,  314;  refers  English 
question  to  the  Estates,  315; 
displeased    with    Elbing    com- 


333 


334 


INDEX 


mission,  316;  gives  Herbert  an 

audience,    ibid.;    appoints   new 

commission,  317;  Estates  sanc- 
tion action  of,  323. 
Bekes,  Caspar,  290. 
Bennet,  Christopher,  79,  82. 
Bilbil,  port  of,  167,  176. 
Bildih,  port  of,   189. 
Bodleigh,  John,  300. 
Bokhara,  commercial  position  of, 

137,     138,     139;     relations    of, 

with  Russia,  203. 
Boldero,   Edmund,  250. 
Bona  Speranza,  The,  5,  10,  11,  12, 

17. 
Bond,  George,  260. 
Bond,  Margaret,  260. 
Bond,      William,     260;      private 

trade  of,  39,  51,  162. 
Borthwick,     Sir     John,     Edward 

VI's  agent  in  Dantzig,  231. 
Boston,      freedom      of      Muscovy 

Company   extended    to    certain 

merchants  of,  38. 
Bowes,    Sir    Jerome,    ambassador 

to  Russia,  65,  85-88. 
Bowstaves,  230. 
Brian,  Leonard,  36. 
Bristol,  226. 
Browne,  Richard,  105. 
Burghley,  Lord,  44,   72;   member 

of  Muscovy  Company,  37,  116. 
Burnell,  William,  225. 
Burrough,  Stephen,  expedition  of, 

99-103,   130. 
Burrough,  William,  70,  71,  106. 

Cables,  imported  from  Russia, 
43,  71,  94. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  2-3;  first  gov- 
ernor of  Muscovy  Company,  3 ; 
draws  up  instructions  for  first 
voyage,  5-7;  governor  for  life, 
16,  26-27;  visits  the  Search- 
thrift,  99. 

Cadiz  voyage,  229. 

Calmady,  Josias,  275-276. 


Caspian  Sea,  trading  rights 
granted  to  Muscovy  Company, 
50,  77. 

Cathay,  search  for  route  to,  99- 
111,  128,  129,  130,  142,  175, 
195;  problem  of  route,  127, 
128,  131,  141;  route  closed, 
139;  impracticable,  142,  196. 

Cavalcant,  John  Baptist,  231. 

Cecil,  Robert,  40. 

Cecil,  Sir  William,  see  Burghley, 
Lord. 

Chancellor,  Nicholas,  107. 

Chancellor,  Richard,  5,  6,  8,  10, 
12,  13,  14,  15,  16,  17,  18,  61, 
66,  128. 

Chapman,  Lawrence,  factor  for 
Persia,  167,  168;  in  Ghilan, 
168;  view  of,  on  Persian  trade, 
170,  199;   death  of,  179. 

Charter,  of  Muscovy  Company, 
First,  16,  22-46  (passim),  129; 
Second,  23,  50,  53-54,  162,  163, 
166,  198;  of  Eastland  Com- 
pany, 253;  granted,  254;  per- 
sons addressed  by,  255 ;  provi- 
sions of,  255-271. 

Cheinie,  Richard,  factor  for 
Persia,  154;  criticisms  of,  on 
Persian  trade,  155;  opinion  of, 
on  Ghilan,  160,  161. 

Cherry,  Francis,  40,  66,  72,  95, 
285. 

Chester,  William,  29. 

Clark,  Edward,  attempt  of,  to 
reach  Georgia,  151;  factor  for 
Persia,   156. 

Clark,  Roger,  228. 

Clinton,  Lord  Admiral,  5. 

Cloth,  English,  charter  provision 
as  to  export  by  Musco\'7  Com- 
pany, 54;  the  chief  English  ex- 
port to  Russia,  96;  exported 
to  Baltic  countries,  230-233; 
white  cloths  to  be  exported, 
271;  regulation  as  to  sale  of, 
in  Elbing,  310-311. 


INDEX 


335 


Coinage  rights  in  Russia,  granted 
to  Muscovy  Company,  81. 

Cokayne,  William,  250,  261,  300. 

Cologne,  Senate  of,  accuses 
Elizabeth  of  aiding  Russia,  57. 

Colston,   William,   226. 

Confidentia,  The,  5,  10,  12,  17. 

Consuls  and  Assistants  of  Mus- 
covy Company,  reference  in 
Cabot's  instructions,  4;  pro- 
vision in  first  charter,  25,  30. 

Contraband,  exportation  of,  by 
Muscovy  Company,  54-60. 

Cony-skins,  export  of,  233. 

Cooley,  Robert,  300. 

Copperas,  imported  from  Baltic 
countries,  230. 

Cordage,  imported  from  Russia, 
43,  70-72,  94,  95. 

Costhca,  Peter,  313. 

Costhca,  Stanislaus,  313. 

Courts  of  the  Eastland  Company, 
266,  269. 

Custom,  freedom  from,  granted 
to  Muscovy  Company,  74,  77, 
80,  89,  148,  153;  half-custom 
granted,  91;  payment  of,  134, 
135,   136. 


Dale,  Dr.  Valentine,  232. 

Danish-Swedish   War,   236-239. 

Dantzig,  English  merchants  en- 
gage rope-spinners  in,  222;  con- 
trols Baltic  trade,  222;  ship- 
stores  in,  223-224;  grain  from, 
225-226;  voyage  to,  234;  vio- 
lates Treaty  of  Utrecht,  240; 
mistreats  English  merchants, 
240-241,  242;  refuses  justice 
to  William  Marten,  242;  re- 
prisals against,  243 ;  seizure  of 
English  ships  by,  ibid.;  tries 
to  ruin  English  trade,  252;  ac- 
tion against  the  English,  282; 
commercial  power  of,  286; 
favored     by     Sigismund     Au- 


gustus, 287;  quarrel  with  King 
Stephan,  287-289;  attacks  El- 
bing  and  her  commerce,  289- 
292;  opposes  the  English,  292; 
tries  to  persuade  Elbing 
against  the  English,  295 ;  re- 
luctance of  some  Englishmen 
to  leave,  299 ;  reconciliation 
with  King  Stephan,  304 ;  yields 
revenue  to  the  King,  305 ; 
tries  to  expel  the  English 
from  Elbing,  313;  representa- 
tives of,  heard  by  Polish  com- 
mission, 314;  declares  against 
free    trade,    ibid. 

Debts,  remitted,  138 ;  collection 
of,  154,  155,  157,  159,  177,  202. 

Denmark,  protests  to  Elizabeth 
against  exportation  of  arms  to 
Russia,  58;  controls  Baltic 
trade  through  the  Sound,  222 ; 
tolls  at  the  Sound,  232;  pro- 
tests against  English  aid  to 
Sweden,  236 ;  threatens  to  close 
the  Sound,  237;  seizes  English 
merchants,  238 ;  demands  dam- 
ages for  depredations  by  Eng- 
lish pirates,  249;  embassy 
sent  to,  250;  seizes  English 
goods,  274,  275;  relations  with 
England  in  regard  to  Baltic 
trade,  281;  aids  Dantzig 
against  King  Stephan  and  the 
Elbingers,  288,  290. 

Deputy  Governor  of  the  East- 
land Company,  265,  in  the 
East  Parts,  268,  322. 

Derbend,  factors  at,  147,  189, 
190;  merchants  expelled  from, 
190. 

Duckett,  Geoflfrey,  40,  43,  64,  84; 
factor  for  Persia,  175;  in 
charge  in  Persia,  179;  return 
of,  to  England,  182,  184;  views 
of,  on  Baltic  trade,  222. 

Dutch  merchants  in  Russia,  80n., 
86,  88. 


336 


INDEX 


East  India  Company,  25,  98,  113, 
114,  210. 

Eastland  Company,  its  inception, 
248-254;  official  name  of,  255; 
purpose  of,  255-256;  geograph- 
ical monopoly  of,  256-258; 
membership,  258-259;  eligi- 
bility for  membership,  261- 
262;  entrance  fees,  262-263; 
relations  with  other  Com- 
panies, 263;  internal  organiza- 
tion, 265;  powers  of,  266,  269- 
271 ;  seat  of  government,  266- 
267;  Elbing  court,  267-269; 
tries  to  limit  membership,  271- 
272 ;  considered  easy  of  access, 
272;  number  of  members  of, 
273 ;  relations  with  English  gov- 
ernment, arising  from  piracy, 
273-279;  taxed  by  the  govern- 
ment, 279;  relations  with 
English  government,  arising 
from  interlopers,  279-280;  re- 
lations arising  from  diplomatic 
affairs,  280-284;  jurisdiction  of 
governor  of,  in  Elbing,  309. 

Edward  Bonaventure,  The,  5,  10, 
13,  16,  17,  97,  99,  100. 

Edward  VI,  letter  sent  with  first 
voyage  of  Muscovy  Company, 
7-8;  letter  delivered  by  Chan- 
cellor, 14;  Ivan  IV's  reply, 
15-16;  buys  ship-stores  of 
Hansards,  221 ;  his  proclama- 
tion against  the  Steelyard,  240. 

Edwards,  Arthur,  factor  for 
Persia,  156;  privileges  granted 
to,  157,  169,  170;  criticism  of, 
on  Richard  Johnson,  159;  esti- 
mate of,  on  Persian  trade,  160, 
161,  171,  199;  in  charge  of 
expedition,  167,  188;  wares  re- 
quested by,  for  Persia,   198. 

Elbing,  deserts  principles  of 
Hanseatic  League,  245;  Eng- 
lish wares  in,  246;  anxious  to 
attract     English     trade,     252; 


court  of  the  Eastland  Com- 
pany at,  268 ;  made  depot  of 
Polish  commerce,  289 ;  grants 
free  trade,  ibid.;  attacked  by 
Dantzig,  289-292;  receives  the 
English,  293 ;  negotiations  with 
Eastland  Company  begun,  ibid. ; 
made  depot  for  English  goods 
in  the  Baltic,  294;  sends  for 
Treaty  of  Hamburg,  299;  its 
partial  ratification  of  Rogers' 
treaty,  303 ;  appeal  to  Eliza- 
beth to  send  an  envoy,  305, 
306;  treaty  with,  308-312; 
privileges  of  citizens  of,  in 
England,  312. 

Elbing,  Burgomaster  of,  298,  320. 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  invited  by  Em- 
peror Ferdinand  to  join  league 
against  Russia,  56 ;  urged  not 
to  send  stores  to  Russia,  57 ; 
accused  by  Hamburg  and  Co- 
logne of  aiding  Russia,  ibid.; 
denies  charges,  ibid.;  issues 
proclamation  prohibiting  ex- 
portation of  armor  to  Russia, 
58;  customer  of  Muscovy  Com- 
pany, 71-72;  letter  of,  to  Czar, 
143;  letter  of,  to  Shah,  144, 
186,  188;  rejects  Russian  al- 
liance,  173,  183. 

Embassies,  expenses  paid  by  mer- 
chants, 65,  66,  69,  69n.,  70, 
282. 

Entertainment  of  Russian  am- 
bassadors in  England,  66,  69- 
70. 

Eric  XIV,  King  of  Sweden,  re- 
quests leave  to  export  cloth, 
231;  tries  to  procure  aid  from 
England,  236,  238. 

Estates  General,  Polish,  316. 

Exports,  to  Russia,  96;  to  Baltic 

countries,  230-233,  245-247. 

I 

Factors  of  Muscovy  Company, 
see  Agents. 


INDEX 


337 


Feathers,  imported  from  Russia, 
96. 

Felt,  imported  from  Russia,  17, 
43. 

Fenton,  John,  letter  to  Lord 
Burghley,  44. 

Feodor,  Czar,  89,  92. 

Ferdinand,  Emperor,  invites 
Elizabeth  to  join  league 
against  Russia,  56;  urges  her 
not  to  send  stores  to  Russia, 
57. 

Firley,  Nicholas,  317. 

Flax,  imported  from  Russia,  94, 
95. 

Fletcher,  Giles,  evidence  on  ex- 
portation of  contraband  to 
Russia,  59;  embassy  to  Russia, 
65;  trading  privileges  secured 
by,  90-91,  192;  silk  trade  de- 
scribed by,  203. 

Fludd,  Roger,  250,  261,  299. 

Forfeiture,  penalty  for  interlopers 
of  Russian  trade,  52-53;  of 
bond,  276. 

Founders'  Hall,  269n. 

Foxall,  John,  261. 

Frankland,  William,  225. 

Frobisher,  Martin,  voyages  of, 
113,  187. 

Furner,  Simeon,  agent  for  James 
I  in  the  Baltic  countries,  229, 
285. 

Furs,  imported  from  Russia,  17, 
36,  43,  94,  95;  imported  from 
Baltic  countries,  230. 


Garrisons,  English,  in  the  Low 
Countries,  227. 

George,  The,  expedition  of,  106, 
109,  111. 

Georgia,  proposed  visit  to,  151. 

Gerrard,  William,  Governor  of 
Muscovy  Company,  27,  28,  68. 

Ghilan,  location  of,  142;  ad- 
vantages of,  160,  161 ;  proposed 


negotiations  with,  167;  visited, 
168;  proposed  trade  with,  189. 

Gilbert,  Humphrey,  member  of 
Muscovy  Company,  37;  ad- 
dresses memorial  to  the  Queen, 
112. 

Gittens,  William,  226. 

Gloucester,  226. 

Glover,  Thomas,  40;  private 
trading  of,  79,  155,  173;  privi- 
leges of,  revoked,  82,  174;  third 
expedition  organized  by,  156; 
grant  to,  for  Persian  trade, 
201,   202. 

Glover,  Robert,  43. 

Gnesne,   Archbishop  of,  321. 

Godounof,    Boris,    91,    92. 

Governor,  of  Muscovy  Company, 
Sebastian  Cabot  the  first,  3, 
16;  term  of  office,  25;  dual 
governorship  of  Muscovy  Com- 
pany, 25-28;  occupants  of  the 
office,  29-30;  of  Eastland  Com- 
pany, 265;  powers  of,  270; 
arbitrates  in  trade  dispute, 
274;  instructions  to,  284; 
jurisdiction  in  Elbing,  309. 

Grain,  imported  from  Baltic 
countries,  224-228. 

Gray,  Richard,  agent  of  Mus- 
covy Company,   16,  35,  56. 

Gresham,  Thomas,  imports  nitre, 
229;  his  advice  to  Elizabeth, 
241. 

Grudzinski,   Stephan,   313. 

Gun-powder,  imported  from  Bal- 
tic countries,  229. 

Gurney,  Richard,  250. 

Haddon,  Dr.,  243. 

Hamburg,  Senate  of,  accuses 
Elizabeth  of  aiding  Russia,  57 ; 
grain  from,  226;  defection 
from  principles  of  Hanseatic 
League,  244;  Eastland  mer- 
chants not  permitted  to  sell 
goods   in,   258;    Merchant  Ad- 


338 


INDEX 


venturers  expelled  from,  292; 
furnishes  precedent  to  Elbing, 
295. 

Hamburg,  Treaty  of,  to  be  used 
as  model  for  treaty  with  El- 
bing, 297;  copy  of,  to  be  sent 
to  Elbing,  ibid.;  need  for,  by 
Rogers,  298;  not  sent  to  El- 
bing, 301. 

Hammond,  Dr.  John,  303. 

Hanseatic  League,  competition  of 
English  merchants  with,  239- 
245;  negotiations  with  Eng- 
land, 241-242;  disintegration 
of,  244;  ruled  the  Baltic  trade, 
286;  quarrel  with  England, 
292. 

Harte,  Sir  John,  Governor  of 
Muscovy   Company,   28,   30. 

Harwich,  merchants  of,  250. 

Hastings,  Lady  Mary,  69. 

Hawarde,  Rowland,  Governor  of 
Muscovy  Company,  27,  28,  30. 

Hawkins,  John,  71. 

Hawsers,  purchased  from  Mus- 
covy Company,  71. 

Hemp,  imported  from  Russia,  36, 
95. 

Herbert,  John,  ignores  Hanse 
affairs,  293;  chosen  as  ambas- 
sador to  Poland,  306;  instruc- 
tions to,  307;  goes  to  Elbing, 
ibid.;  visits  Dantzig,  307;  his 
treaty  with  Elbing,  308-312; 
received  by  Polish  commission, 
314;  secures  support  of  the 
commissioners,  315;  his  audi- 
ence at  Lublin,  316;  activities 
at  Lewartow,  318;  makes  con- 
cession, ibid.;  visits  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Gnesne,  320;  urges 
home  government  to  aid,  321; 
negotiation  with  Elbingers, 
322;  grant  of  privileges  to  the 
Elbingers,  324. 

Hereford,  County  of,  226. 

Hides,  imported  from  Russia,  95. 


Hilson,  Robert,  250,  261,  299. 

Hobbes,  Giles,  overland  route  in- 
vestigated by,  193. 

Hoddesdon,   Christopher,  260. 

Holme,  Christopher,  agent  of 
Muscovy  Company,  39. 

Horsey,  Jerome,  66;  mission  to 
England  from  Russia,  89,  187; 
secures  trading  privileges  in 
Russia,  89-90,  192;  his  esti- 
mate of  the  value  of  Muscovy 
Company's  stock,  98. 

Hubblethorne,  Morgan,  sent  to 
Persia,   191. 

Hull,  freedom  of  Muscovy  Com- 
pany extended  to  certain  mer- 
chants of,  38;  ships  of,  243; 
merchants  of  250;  port  of,  279. 

Hyder  Mirza,  English  favored  by, 
'l76,  177. 

Hyrcania,  trading  rights  granted 
to  Muscovy  Company,  50. 

Imports,  from  Russia,  94-96 ; 
from  Baltic  countries,  221-230. 

Impressment,  5,   112. 

India,  proposed  journey  to,  143, 
177;  failure  to  reach,  197; 
possibilities  of,  in  trade,  199. 

Interlopers,  trading  with  Russia, 
39,  52,  52-53;  trading  with 
Baltic  countries,  279-280. 

Ipswich,  merchants  of,  250;  port 
of.  279. 

Ivan  IV  (the  Terrible),  13,  14; 
Chancellor  at  court  of,  14-17, 
128;  conquers  Astrakhan,  14, 
131;  replies  to  letter  of  Ed- 
ward  VI,  15-16;  offer  of  friend- 
ship accepted  by  Philip  and 
Mary,  21;  diplomatic  relations 
of,  with  England,  60-65,  66-69, 
85,  172,  174,  178,  183,  184,  185, 
187;  effects  of  death  of,  on 
Muscovy  Company,  87-88;  per- 
mits passage  to  East,  131; 
shares   in   Persian  trade,    144, 


INDEX 


339 


145,  152,  153,  155,  174;  rela- 
tion of,  to  Persian  venture, 
202,  203;  later  years  of,  208; 
privileges  granted  by,  to  Mus- 
covy Company,  see  Privileges 
of  Muscovy  Company. 

Jackman,  Charles,  voyage  to 
north-east,  lOG-111,  130,  186. 

James  I,  has  agent  in  the  Baltic 
countries,  224. 

Jaroslav,  point  of  departure,  154, 
156,  167,  175,  201,  206. 

Jenkinson,  Anthony,  evidence  on 
exportation  of  contraband  from 
England,  59;  in  Russia,  50, 
61-63,  66,  83-84,  131,  146,  164, 
184;  receives  grant  of  privi- 
leges from  Czar,  83-84,  164; 
reaches  Bokhara,  137;  achieve- 
ment of,  141,  142,  153;  opinion 
of,  on  Persian  trade,  141,  142, 
199;  expedition  of,  to  Persia, 
143,  146;  authority  of,  145; 
argument  of,  against  Turks, 
148;  failure  of,  in  Persia,  152; 
indebtedness  of,  to  Russians, 
203. 

Johnson,  Richard,  accompanies 
Jenkinson,  132;  private  trad- 
ing of,  155;  chief  factor  for 
Persia,  156;  inefficiency  of, 
159. 

Joint  Stock  Company,  the  !Mus- 
covy  Company  a,  4,  38-45. 


Kanin,  Cape,  101,   103. 
Kara  Sea,   109. 
Kara  Strait,   108. 
Karnkowski,   Stanislaus,  301. 
Kashan,  English  factors  at,  179, 

197. 
Kazvin,  English  factors   at,   176, 

196,   197,  205. 
Kegor,  109. 
Kemcrlinke,  Peter,  299. 


Kersies,   for    Persia,    145,    198. 
Kholmogorj',  77,   78,  82,  85,  88, 

94,  103.  ' 
Killigrew,  John,  277. 
Killingworth  George,    16,  35,  93. 
Kitchin,     Alexander,    factor     for 

Persia,  156;  death  of,  157. 
Knopper,   Albert,  237. 
Kola  River,  100. 
Kolguev,    101,    103,    111. 
Kostka,  John,  301. 


Lane,  Henry,  agent  of  Muscovy 
Company,  56. 

Langton,  John,  295. 

Lawsuits  between  English  mer- 
chants and  Russian  subjects, 
78. 

Lead,  exported  to  Baltic  coun- 
tries, 233. 

Levant,  route,  205,  206;  Com- 
pany, 210. 

Levartow,  commission  of,  in- 
structions to,  317;  activities 
of,  318-320;  Colloquies  of,  323. 

Lewes,   Dr.,   244. 

Lewfoot,   10. 

Liesemann,  George,  225. 

Livonia,   14,  56,  57. 

Lok,  Humphrey,  letter  to  Lord 
Burghley,  44. 

Lok,  Michael,  agent  of  Muscovy 
Company,  35;  secures  privi- 
lege from  Muscovy  Company, 
113. 

Lodge,  Thomas,  Governor  of  Mus- 
covy Company,  27,  29. 

London,  mayors  and  sheriffs  as 
Governors  of  Muscovy  Com- 
pany, 29-30;  municipal  au- 
thorities provide  for  import 
of  grain,  227-228;  Lord  Mayor 
instructed  to  levy  tax  on  East- 
land merchants,  249-252;  port 
of,  279. 

Long,  Edward,  226. 


340 


INDEX 


Lublin,  convocation  at,  316. 

Mangishlak,  port  of,  133;  coun- 
try of,   134. 

Mariners,  English,  to  sail  vessels 
of  Muscovy  Company,  53;  li- 
cense requested  to  hire  three 
Liibeckers'  vessels,  53-54. 

Marsh,  Anthony,  agent  of  Mus- 
covy Company,  111. 

Marten,  William,  242-244. 

Mary,  Queen,  letter  of  Ivan  IV 
presented  to,  16;  grants  char- 
ter to  Muscovy  Company,  16, 
129;  grants  requests  of  Ivan 
IV,  55;  letters  from,  to  Ivan 
IV,   128. 

Masts,  imported  from  Russia,  96. 

Maximilian   II,   Emperor,  287. 

Media,  trading  rights  granted  to 
Muscovy    Company,    50. 

Membership,  of  Muscovy  Com- 
pany, admission  to,  32 ;  list 
of  members  in  1555,  37,  116- 
120;  of  Eastland  Company, 
258-261;  eligibility  for,  261. 

Mercator,  Gerard,  letter  to  Hak- 
luyt,   106. 

Merchant  Adventurers,  in  Ant- 
werp, 220;  in  Germany,  ibid.; 
export  cloth,  230;  given  resi- 
dence in  Hamburg,  244;  ob- 
ject to  charter  of  Eastland 
Company,  254;  furnish  model 
for  organization  of  Eastland 
Company,  255,  266;  hold  terri- 
torial monopoly  with  Eastland 
Company,  257;  object  to  re- 
quests of  Eastland  merchants, 
257,  263;  to  be  admitted  to 
Eastland  Company,  264;  help 
with  expenses  of  embassy  to 
Denmark,  283. 

Michiel,  Giovanni,  Venetian  am- 
bassador,  12,  24. 

Mikouleve,  Gregory,  Russian  am- 
bassador, 69,  92. 

Money,  limited  amount  to  be  car- 


ried out  of  England  by  East- 
land  merchants,   271. 

Moscow,  14,  78,  80,  81,  84,  98. 

Munitions  of  war  sent  to  Russia, 
see  Contraband. 

Muscovy  House,  destroyed  in 
Great  Fire,  22,  meetings  of 
Muscovy  Company  held  at,  33; 
location  of,  33,  34n.;  ore 
smelted  at,   113. 

Napea,  Osep,  first  Russian  am- 
bassador to  England,  17; 
wrecked  on  coast  of  Scotland, 
18;  reception  in  England,  18- 
21;  departure  from  England, 
21;  carries  friendly  letter  to 
Ivan  IV,  55;  intervenes  for 
Jenkinson,    146. 

Narva,  39,  50-52,  76-77,  162,  163, 
172,  173,  174. 

Naval  stores,  see  Ship-stores. 

Navigation,  dangers  of,  133,  147, 
166,  180. 

Newcastle,  freedom  of  Muscovy 
Company  extended  to  certain 
merchants  of,  38;  grain  from 
Dantzig  taken  to,  228;  coals 
from,  exported  to  Baltic  coun- 
tries, 233;  ships  of,  at  Dant- 
zig, 243,  244;  merchants  of, 
250;  port  of,  279. 

New  Trades,  Company  for  Dis- 
covery of,  name  given  to  Mus- 
covy Company  by  second  char- 
ter, 84. 

Nitre,  imported  from  Baltic 
countries,   229. 

Nobility,  Polish,  288,  315,  316, 
319,  323. 

Noblemen  among  membership  of 
Muscovy  Company,  37,  44,  116. 

Nogat,  the,  289,   291. 

North  Cape,  named  by  Stephen 
Burrough,  100. 

Nova  Zembla,  101,  105,  107,  146. 

Novgorod,  81. 


INDEX 


341 


Oath,  required  of  Muscovy  Com- 
pany employees,  5,  42;  admin- 
istered to  members  on  admis- 
sion to  Muscovy  Company,  36- 
37. 

Obi  River,  102,  105,  107,  108,  111, 
112. 

Offley,  Hugh,  227,  250,  260,  300. 

Oprichnina,  jurisdiction  of,  81. 

Orange,  Prince  of,  235. 

Ormuz,  proposed  expedition  to, 
143,  167,  169;  route  to,  161; 
closing  of,  168,  169;  impor- 
tance of,  198,  199. 

Osborne,  Edward,  260,  261. 


Pechora,  100,   101,  104. 

Persia,  trading  rights  granted  to 
Muscovy  Company,  50;  mon- 
opoly granted  to  Muscovy 
Company  by  the  Czar,  80 ;  rela- 
lations  with  Rusia,  139;  six 
expeditions  to,  143,  195;  rela- 
tions of,  with  Turks,  143,  149, 

150,  158;  commodities  of,  171, 
199;  Turkish  victories  over, 
189,  209;  accessibility  of,  196; 
route  to,  196,  206,  207;  chief 
cities  of,  198;  confusion  in, 
208,  209. 

Persian  trade,  considered,  140; 
undertaken,  142;  advantages 
of,  142,  143;  instructions  of 
Muscovy  Company  concerning, 
144,  145,  165;  argument  con- 
cerning,    148 ;     difficulties     of, 

151,  154,  170,  171;  privileges 
granted  for,  157,  158,  169,  170, 
177;  base  of,  threatened,  178, 
186;  estimate  of,  181;  tem- 
porary abandonment  of,  182, 
186;  *end  of,  192,  209;  pro- 
posed revival  of,  193 ;  charac- 
ter of  route  for,  196,  206,  207 ; 
extent  and  possibilities  of,  197, 

199,  200;  organization  of,  200, 


201;  evils  connected  with,  201, 
202;  Russian  influence  upon, 
202,  203 ;  elements  of  weakness 
in,  204;  dependence  of,  upon 
rulers,  ibid.;  competition  in, 
205;  affected  by  other  routes, 
210. 

Pet,  Arthur,  voyage  to  north- 
east, 106-111,  130,  186. 

Peterson,  John,  despoiled  of  his 
ship,  248;  restitution  to  him, 
249. 

Pewter,  exported  to  Russia,  96. 

Philip  and  Mary,  The,  16,  17,  97. 

Piracy,  menace  to  trade,  234- 
235;  of  Hicks  and  Callice  leads 
to  formation  of  Eastland  Com- 
pany, 248-249 ;  brings  about 
relations  between  Eastland 
Company  and  English  govern- 
ment, 273-279. 

Pissemsky,  Russian  ambassador, 
69. 

Plesko   (Pskoff),  81. 

Plumpton,  customer,  229. 

Plumtree,  Lionel,  factor  for 
Persia,  175;  attempt  of,  to 
reach  Cathay,  177,  178;  opin- 
ion of  Persian  trade,  181. 

Pogorella,  Theodore,  Russian 
merchant,  66. 

Poland,  King  of,  interdicts  com- 
merce with  Russia,  58-59. 

Poluticze,   Peter,   313. 

Pomerania,  Duke  of,  forbids  ex- 
port of  nitre,  229. 

Potash,  imported  from  Baltic 
countries,  230. 

Privileges,  of  Muscovy  Company 
in  Russia,  15-16,  74-76,  77-78, 
80-82,  89-90,  92,  129,  152,  153, 
164,  174,  184,  192;  plot  to 
annul,  79;  withdrawn  (1571), 
82;  restored,  83;  again  threat- 
ened, 85;  in  Persia,  153,  157, 
158,  169,  170,  177;  of  East- 
land Company  in  Elbing,  nego- 


342 


INDEX 


tiations  for,  at  Elbing,  293- 
308;    stipulations,    308-312. 

Privy  Council,  sends  instructions 
to  sheriffs  for  safe  conduct  of 
Russian  ambassador,  18n. ;  pe- 
titioned by  Muscovy  Company 
to  restrain  interlopers,  39;  pe- 
tioned  by  Muscovy  Company  to 
restrain  Bond  and  others 
from  trading  to  Narva,  51; 
orders  English  merchants 
in  Dantzig  to  wait  for  Eng- 
lish agent,  221;  makes  pro- 
vision for  import  of  grain,  225, 
226;  provides  for  indemnifica- 
tion of  Peterson,  249-250; 
taxes  Eastland  merchants  for 
embassy  to  Denmark,  250;  de- 
cides against  a  narrow  inter- 
pretation of  Eastland  Com- 
pany's charter,  272 ;  taxes 
Eastland  Company  for  indem- 
nification of  Danes,  273-278; 
protects  Eastland  Company 
against  interlopers,  279-280; 
taxes  Eastland  Company  for 
entertainment  and  support  of 
ambassadors,  282-284;  recalls 
Rogers  from  Poland,  302. 

Prussia,  Duke  of,  grants  English 
merchants  permission  to  trade, 
241 ;  to  be  visited  by  English 
ambassador,  297;  visited  by 
Herbert,  324. 

Pullison,  Thomas,  250;  raises 
funds  to  pay  to  Peterson,  251; 
reports  desire  of  Eastland  mer- 
chants for  a  charter,  253 ; 
prominence  as  a  merchant, 
260;  Governor  of  Eastland 
Company,  265. 


Querneby,   Ralph,   223. 

Randolph,    Sir    Thomas,    ambas- 
sador to  Russia,  64,  67-68,  173, 


174,  183;  secures  trading  privi- 
leges from  Czar,  80-82,  174; 
commissions  Bassendine  to 
make  voyage  of  discovery,  104, 
105. 

Records  of  Muscovy  Company, 
probably  destroyed,  22. 

Robbers,  136,  137,  140,  159,  178, 
207;   on   Caspian,   180. 

Rope  industry  in  Russia,  36,  94. 

Rogers,  John,  reports  on  trade 
in  Elbing,  246;  chosen  as  am- 
bassador to  Poland,  296 ;  his 
preparations,  ibid.;  his  in- 
structions, 296-297 ;  his  charges 
against  certain  merchants,  299- 
300;  visits  Polish  court,  301; 
recalled  from  Poland ,  302 ; 
draws  up  treaty,  ibid.;  fail- 
ure as  a  diplomat,  304. 

Rost  Island,  9. 

Route,  overland,  sought  by  Eng- 
lish merchants,  130,  131,  192, 
193;  to  Cathay,  impracticable, 
142,  196;  proposed  revival  of, 
193;  failure  of,  to  India,  197; 
character  of,  196,  206,  207; 
time  required  for,  206,  207 ; 
dangers  of,  207;  superseded, 
209,  210;   falls  to  Russia,  210. 

Russell,  Thomas,  260;  deputy 
governor  of  Eastland  Com- 
pany, 265;  reluctant  to  leave 
Dantzig,  300. 

Russell,  Sir  William,  65. 

Russia,  English  relations  estab- 
lished, 13-21;  diplomatic  in- 
tercourse (1554-1600),  see 
Ambassadors;  trading  privi- 
leges in,  15-16,  74-76,  77-78, 
80-82,  83,  89-90,  92,  128,  129, 
152,  164,  174,  192;  English 
trade  with,  93-99;  conquests 
of,  132;  trade  of,  with  Persia, 
139;  situation  in,  172,  178; 
relations  of,  with  Asia,  202, 
203. 


INDEX 


343 


Salkins,  William,  agent  for  East- 
land Company  to  Elbing,  296; 
to  carry  Treaty  of  Hamburg, 
297;  fails  to  bring  it,  298;  re- 
luctant to  leave  Dantzig,  300; 
advises  concession  at  Levar- 
tow,  319. 

Samoeds,  the,  102,  111. 

Sarikamish,    Lake,    134. 

Savage,  Robert,  223. 

Saviena,  Andreas  Gregorowich, 
Russian  ambassador,  67,  68-69, 
174,  183. 

Scaramelli,  Giovanni  Carlo,  232, 
247. 

Schleswig-Holstein,  Duke  of,  231. 

Searchthrift,  The,  voyage  of,  99- 
103,  130. 

Senators,  of  Poland,  287. 

Sergeants  of  Muscovy  Company, 
34,  47. 

Seymour,  Edward,  278. 

Shabran,  port  of,  147,  179. 

Shemakha,  148,  149,  156,  167, 
168,  176,  178,  201,  203;  deso- 
lated by  Turks,  189;  starting 
point  in  Persia,  196,  197,  206; 
destruction  of,  209. 

Ship-stores,  imported  from  Rus- 
sia, 70-72,  94;  imported  from 
Baltic  countries,  221-224. 

Shirvan,  location  of,  142;  con- 
ditions in,  149;  commodities 
of,  ibid.;  privileges  obtained  in, 
151,  153,  161;  confusion  in, 
156,   157,   159. 

Sigismund  Augustus,  King  of 
Poland,  permits  English  to 
purchase  ship-stores  in  Dant- 
zig, 222;  English  appeal  to, 
286;  death  of,  287. 

Silk,  imported  by  Muscovy  Com- 
pany, 96 ;  production  of,  142, 
198*;  trade  in,  179,  199,  201, 
203. 

Smith,  Sir  Thomas,  225. 

Smith,  William,  40. 


Soap-ashes,  imported  from  Baltic 

countries,  230. 
Sound,  The,  234. 
Spain,  rivalry  with  England  for 

ship-stores,    223. 
Spain    and    Portugal,    the    Mer- 
chants  trading,   254,  260,   264, 

271. 
Sparke,  John,  factor  for  Persia, 

167 ;    proposed    factor    for    Or- 

muz,  167. 
Spices,     imported     by     Muscovy 

Company,  96. 
Sprengel,  John,  289. 
Stafford,  Richard,  6. 
Staper,  Richard,  260,  261. 
Statute  of   1566,   see   Charter   of 

Muscovy  Company,  Second. 
Steelyard,    The,    221,    225,    230, 

241,  243,  245. 
Stephan,    King    of    Poland,    see 

Bathory. 
Stock-fish,  imported   from  Baltic 

countries,  230. 
Sylvester,  Daniel,  negotiations  of, 

with    Russia,    85,    185;    death 

of,  ibid. 


Tabriz,  market  at,  168,  176,  178. 
Tahmasp,  Shah,  death  of,  209. 
Tallow,    imported    from    Russia, 

17,  36,  94,  95. 
Tar,   imported   from   Russia,   96. 
Tartars,  wars  of,   175,   188,  208, 

209;    besiege    Astrakhan,    175, 

188. 
Teutonic  Knights,  treaties  with, 

286,  296. 
Thorne,   Robert,   letter   to  Henry 

VIII,  2. 
Timur  Sultan,  trouble  with,  134. 
Tin,    exported     to    Baltic    coun- 
tries, 233. 
Tolls,   in  Poland,  293,  305,   312, 

315,   318. 
Towerson,  William,  261. 


344 


INDEX 


Trade,  private,  to  Persia,  155, 
162,   173,  201,  202. 

Train  oil,  imported  from  Russia, 
17,  36,  94,  95. 

Turks,  rivalry  of,  139,  150,  168, 
199,  204,  205;  relations  of, 
with  Persia,  143,  158;  argu- 
ment against,  148;  besiege 
Astrakhan,  175;  conquests  of, 
189,  191,  209;  sixth  expedi- 
tion checked  by,  209. 

Twerdico,  Stephen,  Russian  mer- 
chant, 66. 

Tynnacre,  Thomas,  273-274. 

Urgendj,  state  of,   135. 

Utrecht,  Treaty  of,  provides  for 
reciprocal  privileges,  239;  is 
violated,  240;  validity  of,  286, 
296. 

Vardohuus,  10,  11,  13,  77,  109. 

Venetian  merchants,  in  Russia, 
80n.,  85;  argument  against, 
148;   rivalry  of,   199,  204,  205. 

Vistula,  the,  288. 

Vitriol,  imported  from  Baltic 
countries,  230. 

Vologda,  78,  81,  93,  94. 

Voyages,  Persian,  number  of, 
143,  195;  first  of,  organized, 
143,  146,  147;  second,  152, 
154;  third,  156;  two  planned, 
166;  fourth,  166,  167;  fifth, 
175;  estimate  of  fifth,  181; 
temporary  abandonment  of, 
182,  186;  sixth,  188;  failure 
of,  190;  later,  proposed,  193; 
object  of,  195;  route  for,  196; 
control  of  Muscovy  Company 
over,   200;    time   required  for, 


206,    207;     sixth,    checked 
Turks,  209. 

Waigatz,  101,  102,  105,  107, 
110. 

Walsingham,     Sir     Francis, 
321;  member  of  Musco\7'  ^° 
pany,  37. 

Wardhouse,  The,  see  VardoUi 

Watson,    William,    284;    sent 
Dantzig      to      purchase      s 
stores,    222;     ordered    to 
grain  in  Baltic  countrieF  ,, 

Wax,  imported  from  Rusi!^^>fj 
43,  44,  71.  ,c^f 

Waymouth,  George,  113.       'i 

Wheeler,  John,  his  view  o  ,j 
covy  Company's  rigl  ,^^, 
Narva  trade,  51-52;  giA 
of  English  imports,  2? 
230;  his  opinion  of  t' - 
lish  cloth   export,  231.  ■ 

White     Sea,     reached     b  • 
loughby,  1 1 ;  reached  b 
cellor,    13;    annual   voj 
21;  monopoly  of  trade     j^  ]gi 
monopoly  confirmed,  80. 

Wichida,  iron  mines  at,  81. 

Wilkes,  John,  228. 

William,    The,    voyage    of, 
109,   110,  111. 

Willoughby,  Sir  Hugh,  expetf 
tion  of,  5,  6,  8,  10,  11,  16,  101 
127. 

Willoughby's  Land,   108. 

Winchester,  Marquis  of,  232. 

Woodcocke,  James,   105. 

Wylford,  Thomas,  260. 

Yarn,  imported  from  Russia,  ft 
York,  freedom  of  Muscovy  Con 

pany  extended  to  certain  mei 

chants  of,  38. 


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